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PHI LOS 0 P H Y . - Classic Works of Apologetics Online

PHI LOS 0 P H Y . - Classic Works of Apologetics Online

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CZ'L'i/ Liberty.<br />

they possessed against any attempts <strong>of</strong> the crown to<br />

harrass its subjects, by oppressive and useless exertions,<br />

<strong>of</strong> prerogative. The loss <strong>of</strong> this security we denom.<br />

inate the loss <strong>of</strong> liberty. They have changed not<br />

their laws, but tht>ir legislature; not their enjoyment,<br />

but their safety; not their present burthens,.<br />

but their prospect~ <strong>of</strong> future grievanc{'s: and thid<br />

we pronounce a change from the condition <strong>of</strong> free ..<br />

men to tllat <strong>of</strong> slaves. In like manner, in our own<br />

cuuntry, the act <strong>of</strong> parliament, in the reign <strong>of</strong> Henry<br />

the Eighth, which gave to the king's '. roclamation the<br />

force <strong>of</strong>lavl, h?s properly been called a complete and<br />

formal surrender <strong>of</strong> the liberty <strong>of</strong> the nation; and<br />

would have been so, although no proclamation were<br />

issued in pursuance <strong>of</strong> these new powers, or none but<br />

what was recommended by the highest wisdom and<br />

utility. The security was gone. Were it probab!e~<br />

that the welfare and accommodation <strong>of</strong> toe people<br />

would be as studio1)sIy, and as providently consult.<br />

ed in the edicts <strong>of</strong> a despotic prince, as by the resolutions<br />

<strong>of</strong> a popular assembly, then would an absolute<br />

form <strong>of</strong> government be no less free than the purest<br />

democracy. The different degree <strong>of</strong> care and knowedge<br />

<strong>of</strong> the public interest which may reasonably be<br />

expected from the different form and composition <strong>of</strong><br />

the legblature, constitutes the distinction, in re~pect<br />

<strong>of</strong> liberty, as well between these two extremes, as between<br />

all the intermediate modifications <strong>of</strong> civil government.<br />

The definitions . which have been framed . <strong>of</strong> civil<br />

liberty, and which have become the subject <strong>of</strong> much<br />

unnecessary altercation, are mo~t <strong>of</strong> them adapted to<br />

this idea. Thus one po~itical writer makes the very<br />

essence <strong>of</strong> the subject'~ liberty to consist in his being<br />

governed by no Jaws bat those to which he hath ar··<br />

tually consented; anOther is satisfied with an indi.<br />

rect and virtual con~ent, another again places civil<br />

liberty in the separation <strong>of</strong> the leS';islative and execu~<br />

tive o~ces <strong>of</strong> government; another in the being<br />

governed by law, that is, by known, prec.onstituted~<br />

in.flexible IVies <strong>of</strong> actiqn and adjudication; a fifth ir-

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