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Who Needs Emotions? The Brain Meets the Robot

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an evolutionary <strong>the</strong>ory of emotion 121<br />

out, respectively, sometimes described as “punishing”) decreases <strong>the</strong> probability<br />

of response. Responses followed by <strong>the</strong> omission or termination of a<br />

punisher increase in probability, this pair of negative reinforcement operations<br />

being termed active avoidance and escape, respectively (see Gray, 1975;<br />

Mackintosh, 1983).<br />

<strong>The</strong> link between emotion and instrumental reinforcers is partly operational.<br />

Most people find that it is not easy to think of exceptions to <strong>the</strong> statements<br />

that emotions occur after rewards or punishers are given (sometimes<br />

continuing for long after <strong>the</strong> eliciting stimulus has ended, as in a mood state)<br />

and that rewards and punishers, but not o<strong>the</strong>r stimuli, produce emotional<br />

states. <strong>Emotions</strong> are states elicited by reinforcing stimuli. If those states continue<br />

for a long time after <strong>the</strong> eliciting stimulus has gone, or if <strong>the</strong> states<br />

occur spontaneously, we can refer to <strong>the</strong>se as mood states. That is, mood<br />

states can be used to refer to states that do not take an object, i.e., when <strong>the</strong>re<br />

is no clearly related eliciting stimulus. However, <strong>the</strong> link is deeper than this,<br />

as we will see as I develop <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory that genes specify primary reinforcers in<br />

order to encourage <strong>the</strong> animal to perform arbitrary actions to seek particular<br />

goals, which increase <strong>the</strong> probability of <strong>the</strong>ir own (<strong>the</strong> genes’) survival into<br />

<strong>the</strong> next generation. <strong>The</strong> emotional states elicited by <strong>the</strong> reinforcers have a<br />

number of functions, described below, related to <strong>the</strong>se processes.<br />

This foundation has been developed (see Rolls, 1986a,b, 1990, 1999a,<br />

2000a) to show how a very wide range of emotions can be accounted for, as<br />

a result of <strong>the</strong> operation of a number of factors, including <strong>the</strong> following:<br />

1. <strong>The</strong> reinforcement contingency (e.g., whe<strong>the</strong>r reward or punishment<br />

is given or withheld) (see Fig. 5.1).<br />

2. <strong>The</strong> intensity of <strong>the</strong> reinforcer (see Fig. 5.1).<br />

3. Any environmental stimulus might have a number of different<br />

reinforcement associations (e.g., a stimulus might be associated<br />

with <strong>the</strong> presentation of both a reward and a punisher, allowing<br />

states such as conflict and guilt to arise). 1<br />

4. <strong>Emotions</strong> elicited by stimuli associated with different primary<br />

reinforcers will be different.<br />

5. <strong>Emotions</strong> elicited by different secondary reinforcing stimuli will<br />

be different from each o<strong>the</strong>r (even if <strong>the</strong> primary reinforcer is<br />

similar). For example, if two different people were each associated<br />

with <strong>the</strong> same primary reinforcer, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> emotions would<br />

be different. This is in line with my hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that emotions<br />

consist of states elicited by reinforcers and that <strong>the</strong>se states include<br />

whatever representations are needed for <strong>the</strong> eliciting<br />

stimulus, which could be cognitive, and <strong>the</strong> resulting mood<br />

change (Rolls, 1999a). Moods <strong>the</strong>n may continue in <strong>the</strong> absence

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