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Who Needs Emotions? The Brain Meets the Robot

Who Needs Emotions? The Brain Meets the Robot

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eware <strong>the</strong> passionate robot 335<br />

vective and carrying out <strong>the</strong> electronic equivalent of tearing up <strong>the</strong> student’s<br />

papers in a rage, <strong>the</strong>n where would <strong>the</strong> benefit lie? One might argue that<br />

even though such outbursts are harmful to many children, <strong>the</strong>y may be <strong>the</strong><br />

only way to “get through” to o<strong>the</strong>rs; but if this is so, and <strong>the</strong> production of<br />

emotional behavior is carefully computed within an optimal tutoring strategy,<br />

it may be debated whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> computer tutor really has emotions or is<br />

simply “simulating <strong>the</strong> appearance of emotional behavior”—a key distinction<br />

for <strong>the</strong> discussion of robot emotions. We will return to <strong>the</strong>se questions<br />

later (see Emotion without Biology, below).<br />

To complement <strong>the</strong> above account of my own tangled emotions on one<br />

occasion, I turn to a fictional account of <strong>the</strong> mental life of a chimpanzee under<br />

stress, an excerpt from a lecture by <strong>the</strong> fictional Australian writer Elizabeth<br />

Costello as imagined by J. M. Coetzee (2003):<br />

In 1912 <strong>the</strong> Prussian Academy of Sciences established on <strong>the</strong> island<br />

of Tenerife a station devoted to experimentation into <strong>the</strong> mental<br />

capacities of apes, particularly chimpanzees. . . . In 1917 Köhler<br />

published a monograph entitled <strong>The</strong> Mentality of Apes describing his<br />

experiments. Sultan, <strong>the</strong> best of his pupils . . . is alone in his pen.<br />

He is hungry: <strong>the</strong> food that used to arrive regularly has unaccountably<br />

ceased coming. <strong>The</strong> man who used to feed him and has now<br />

stopped feeding him stretches a wire over <strong>the</strong> pen three metres above<br />

ground level, and hangs a bunch of bananas from it. Into <strong>the</strong> pen he<br />

drags three wooden crates. . . . One thinks: Why is he starving me?<br />

One thinks: What have I done? Why has he stopped liking me? One<br />

thinks: Why does he not want <strong>the</strong>se crates any more? But none of<br />

<strong>the</strong>se is <strong>the</strong> right thought. . . . <strong>The</strong> right thought to think is: How<br />

does one use <strong>the</strong> crates to reach <strong>the</strong> bananas? Sultan drags <strong>the</strong> crates<br />

under <strong>the</strong> bananas, piles <strong>the</strong>m one on top of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r, climbs <strong>the</strong><br />

tower he has built, and pulls down <strong>the</strong> bananas. He thinks: Now<br />

will he stop punishing me? . . . At every turn Sultan is driven to think<br />

<strong>the</strong> less interesting thought. From <strong>the</strong> purity of speculation (Why<br />

do men behave like this?) he is relentlessly propelled towards lower,<br />

practical, instrumental reason (How does one use this to get that?)<br />

and thus towards acceptance of himself as primarily an organism with<br />

an appetite that needs to be satisfied. (pp. 71–73)<br />

This may or may not be a realistic account of what Sultan was thinking<br />

(see de Waal, 2001, for <strong>the</strong> views of a primatologist who supports such “anthropomorphism”),<br />

but my point here is to stress a “two-way reductionism”<br />

(Arbib, 1985; Arbib & Hesse, 1986) which understands <strong>the</strong> need to establish<br />

a dialog between <strong>the</strong> formal concepts of scientific reductionism and <strong>the</strong><br />

richness of personal experience that drives our interest in cognition and

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