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2003 IMTA Proceedings - International Military Testing Association

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Far less is known about the consequences of cognitive or behavioral avoidance. These<br />

less direct behaviors are far more common than confrontation or reporting, the two most often<br />

recommended behaviors in response to harassment. It is not unreasonable to consider whether<br />

common behaviors, such as ignoring the UGRB, can also trigger a retaliatory response.<br />

Organizational Power<br />

Findings concerning the status of the reporter or target and retaliation are mixed. Two<br />

studies, one with military personnel, the other with federal employees, showed no direct<br />

relationship between the reporter's status within the organization and retaliation (Bergman et<br />

al., 2002; Near & Miceli, 1986). However, a study of federal court employees demonstrated<br />

that victims with lower occupational status were more likely to receive both personal and workrelated<br />

retaliation than higher status victims; when a lower status victim reported, confronted,<br />

or sought social support regarding a higher status harasser, the victim experienced more<br />

retaliation of both types (Cortina & Magley, in press). Holding power within the organization,<br />

as measured by support by management and immediate supervisor, has been consistently<br />

associated with receiving less retaliation in the whistle-blowing literature (Miceli, Rehg, Near,<br />

& Ryan, 1999; Near & Miceli, 1986). Thus it seems important to consider the relationship of<br />

organizational power or status to retaliation.<br />

OUTCOMES OF RETALIATION<br />

Work-Related Outcomes<br />

Given that harassment is associated with negative outcomes to the individual it is likely<br />

that retaliation will also be negatively related to an individual's work attitudes, performance,<br />

and commitment to the organization. In a study of civilian women involved in a class action<br />

lawsuit against a private sector firm, outcomes associated with retaliation (after controlling for<br />

the harassment and effects due to reporting) included decreased satisfaction with coworkers and<br />

supervisors and increased work withdrawal (Fitzgerald et al., in preparation). For public sector<br />

employees, as retaliation increased so did the targets' job dissatisfaction, job stress, and<br />

organizational withdrawal (Cortina & Magley, in press). In a study of federal employees<br />

retaliation resulted in increased involuntary exit from the organization including forced transfer<br />

or leaving (Near & Miceli, 1986). For male and female military personnel, those who<br />

experienced more retaliation generally had poorer work outcomes (Magley & Cortina, 2002),<br />

and for those who reported harassment, retaliation was associated with lower procedural<br />

satisfaction with reporting (Bergman et al., 2002).<br />

Well-Being<br />

In a study of civilian women involved in a class action lawsuit against a large private<br />

firm, outcomes associated with retaliation included decreased health satisfaction and increased<br />

psychological distress (Fitzgerald et al., in preparation). For public sector employees, as<br />

retaliation increased the targets' psychological and physical health decreased (Cortina &<br />

Magley, in press) and military personnel who experienced more retaliation demonstrated<br />

generally poorer psychological and health-related outcomes (Magley & Cortina, 2002).<br />

223<br />

45 th Annual Conference of the <strong>International</strong> <strong>Military</strong> <strong>Testing</strong> <strong>Association</strong><br />

Pensacola, Florida, 3-6 November <strong>2003</strong>

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