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[Joseph_E._Stiglitz,_Carl_E._Walsh]_Economics(Bookos.org) (1)

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in such developments. The end of logging would have presented

them with bleak prospects. There seemed to be a clear

trade-off: which was more important, the livelihood of the loggers

or the survival of the spotted owl? There was one way

out of this box: if the value of preserving the spotted owl

exceeded the economic damage to the loggers, those benefiting

from preservation could pay off the loggers. Alternatively,

the federal government might have used general tax revenues

to compensate the loggers. But at the time, the government’s

budget was severely constrained. A compromise was sought,

whereby enough area was kept closed to protect the spotted

owl’s habitat while enough was kept open for logging to protect

many of the jobs.

Critics of the Endangered Species Act pointed out the perverse

incentives created by the law. For example, if you had a

tree of the type that a spotted owl might nest in, you would

have an incentive to cut it down before the owl nested in it.

That way, your later desire to develop your land would not be

encumbered by a court injunction issued because the land

contained a habitat for an endangered species. Some worried

that these unintended consequences were so large that they

reversed the act’s intended effects.

Which is more important, the livelihood of loggers or the

survival of the spotted owl?

damage, since it often would not allow those technologies to be used, even if they

did a better job. 1

Moreover, politics inevitably intrudes into the setting of regulations, resulting

in higher than necessary costs. High-sulfur coal producers worried that the cost

of scrubbers would put them at a competitive disadvantage relative to low-sulfur

coal producers. (This is the correct market outcome from the viewpoint of economic

efficiency, because the social cost of high-sulfur coal—including its negative

environmental impacts—was greater than that of the low-sulfur coal.) So they succeeded

in getting Congress to mandate that users of low-sulfur coal also had to

have scrubbers, though for them such devices were unnecessary. In another example,

ethanol producers (dominated by a single firm, Archer Daniels Midland) persuaded

regulators to require a corn-based gasoline additive to reduce pollution

rather than an oil-based one—even though the latter is cheaper and may be better

environmentally.

Another reason economists are wary of regulations is that the costs they impose

are often hidden. As the costs of environmental regulation rise, it becomes clear

that better analysis when designing regulations is needed. Such analysis should look

1 On the other side, advocates argue that in some cases the tight regulations have “forced” the development of

new technologies to meet environmental standards that could not be met with existing technologies.

POLICY RESPONSES TO PROBLEMS IN THE ENVIRONMENT ∂ 411

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