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[Joseph_E._Stiglitz,_Carl_E._Walsh]_Economics(Bookos.org) (1)

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of resources resulting from the cost of domestic production exceeding the costs

of purchasing the good abroad, as the economy expands production because of

the tariff.

QUOTAS

Rather than setting tariffs, many countries impose quotas—limits on the amount of

foreign goods that can be imported. For instance, in the 1950s, the United States

imposed a quota on the amount of oil that could be imported, and until 2005 strict

quotas controlled imports of textiles.

Producers often prefer quotas. Because the quantity imported is limited,

the domestic price increases above the international price. Quotas enable domestic

producers to know precisely the magnitude of the foreign supply. If foreign

producers become more efficient or if exchange rates change in their favor,

they still cannot sell any more. In that sense, quotas provide domestic producers

with greater certainty than do tariffs, insulating them from the worst threats

of competition.

Quotas and tariffs both succeed in raising the domestic price above the price at

which the good could be obtained abroad. Both thus protect domestic producers.

There is, however, one important difference: quotas enable those possessing permits

to import to earn a profit by buying goods at the international price abroad

and selling at the higher domestic price. The government is, in effect, giving away

its tariff revenues. These profits are referred to as quota rents.

VOLUNTARY EXPORT RESTRAINTS

In recent years, international agreements have reduced the level of tariffs and

restricted the use of quotas. Accordingly, countries have sought to protect themselves

from the onslaught of foreign competition by other means. One approach that

became popular in the 1980s was the use of voluntary export restraints (VERs). Rather

than limiting imports of automobiles, for example, the United States persuaded

Japan to limit its exports.

There are two interpretations of why Japan might have been willing to go along

with this VER. One is that it worried the United States might take a stronger action,

such as imposing quotas. From Japan’s perspective, VERs are clearly preferable to

quotas, because VERs allow the quota rents to accrue to Japanese firms. A second

interpretation is that VERs enable Japanese car producers to act collectively in

their self-interest to reduce production and raise prices, engaging in a kind of collusion

otherwise illegal under American antitrust laws. The VER “imposed” output

reductions on the Japanese car producers that they would have chosen themselves

if they had been permitted to under law. No wonder, then, that they agreed to go

along! The cost to the American consumer of the Japanese VER was enormous.

American consumers paid more than $100,000 in higher prices for every American

job created.

436 ∂ CHAPTER 19 INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND TRADE POLICY

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