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Minority languages and language revitalisation 93 out of a puddle, and attributed by Jones, R. (1983) to suburbanisation, second home purchases, and retirement settlement. If traditional ‘Welsh Wales’ has been losing speakers, a feature of the recent revival has been an increase in the proportions, and numbers, of Welsh speakers in the urban south. The 2001 census, for example, records a 7.7 per cent gain in the proportion of Welsh speakers in Newport between 1991and 2001, and a 4.4 per cent gain in Cardiff as against a 3 per cent fall in Gwynedd. As Aitchison and Carter (2000: 134) remark, Welsh has been, for sometime, a predominantly urban language. 4.3.1.2 Breton The dukedom of Brittany, an area originally colonised by Brythonic-speaking peoples from southern Britain, was incorporated into the French state under the Edict of Union of 1532. As a province, it held on to a measure of autonomy in ecclesiastical, judicial and fiscal matters, but this status, along with the associated privileges, was lost when, following the French Revolution of 1789, all provinces were abolished and replaced by départements supervised directly from Paris. As an administrative unit, Brittany only re-emerged in 1972, when it became one of 22 French régions, comprising the départements of Finistère, Morbihan, Côtes d’Armor and Ille-et-Vilaine. The geographical and administrative region does not, however, have a singular linguistic-cultural identity, for, as is well known, it is divided into Haute Bretagne (Upper Brittany), which has since the thirteenth century been Romance rather than Breton-speaking, and Basse Bretagne, or Breizh-Izel (Lower Brittany), the traditional Breton heartland lying to the west of a line running roughly from Saint-Brieuc in the north to Vannes in the south, as indicated in Figure 4.3. This is not to say, however, that any contemporary casual visitor would be aware of any such divide, since, as Timm (1980), Humphreys (1993) and Price (2000) all observe, the last fifty years have witnessed a radical collapse of the heartland, leaving extensive areas from which Breton has largely disappeared. The towns of Lower Brittany, meanwhile, have been predominantly French-speaking for centuries. If the linguistic division of the Brittany region has impeded the development of a pan-Breton sense of identity, an additional contributory factor is the fragmentation of the Breton language into four main dialects (there are sub-dialects) known as the Kerne, Leon, Treger and Gwened after the four ancient dioceses with which they are, or have been, very roughly coextensive (see Figure 4.4). Jones (1998b: 131) claims that these are only partly mutually intelligible, and, while this is disputed by some, there is evidence that many native Bretons are very conscious of linguistic differentiation, hence the common refrain – ‘Ils ne parlent pas le même breton’. Kuter (1989: 84), meanwhile, emphasises the local parochial nature of the identity of many Breton-speakers, suggesting that they identify most strongly with their ‘pays’, their ‘commune’ and its distinctive features of dialect, of costumes, and even of the particular coiffes worn by the women. At regional, or subregional, level French remains the unifying language, the instrument for communication with outsiders –
94 Language Planning and Education Figure 4.3 Map of Brittany showing westward retreat of Breton (Source: Humphreys 1993: 622) Figure 4.4 Map of traditional dioceses of Basse-Bretagne (Lower Brittany) (Source: Kuter 1989: 83)
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