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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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<strong>Education</strong>al <strong>and</strong> political dimensions of bilingual education 49<br />

out) pupils spend much of their time in mainstream classes but are withdrawn<br />

for part of the school day for separate ESL lessons, which may or may not be<br />

on the same school site. In others (e.g. ‘sheltered English’, Structured English<br />

Immersion <strong>and</strong> developmental bilingual education programs), pupils are<br />

often taught separately from the mainstream for substantial periods. In TBE<br />

programs, meanwhile, pupils are often taught some subjects in L1 during part<br />

of the school day but remain in mainstream classes for other portions of the day.<br />

Such variations are significant given that bilingual education is sometimes<br />

criticised for segregating LEP pupils from the mainstream with potentially<br />

undesirable social <strong>and</strong> pedagogic consequences. Isolation from Englishspeaking<br />

pupils may, for instance, limit opportunities for L2 input from this<br />

source <strong>and</strong> hence retard second language acquisition. Dual language programs,<br />

however, overcome this alleged disadvantage by integrating majority <strong>and</strong><br />

minority pupils in the same classes, where they learn to value each others’<br />

language <strong>and</strong> culture.<br />

3.2 BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES:<br />

EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH AND PEDAGOGY<br />

The bilingual education debate in the United States has an instrumental, pedagogic<br />

dimension <strong>and</strong>, more fundamentally, an ideological, political one. In this section, we<br />

focus on the former, where, as in the ideological domain, there are fundamental<br />

disagreements between two opposing camps, pluralists <strong>and</strong> assimilationists. Both<br />

camps’ starting point, however, is common. Both accept that the United States is an<br />

English-dominant society <strong>and</strong> that therefore the acquisition of English is fundamental<br />

to securing equal opportunities for linguistic minority pupils. Both also<br />

accept that many LEP pupils, particularly those of Mexican descent, are overrepresented<br />

among those performing poorly at school. Thereafter, however, the two<br />

sides part company to disagree fundamentally over the causes of, <strong>and</strong> remedies for,<br />

educational underperformance, as well as over the best means for promoting the<br />

acquisition of English.<br />

Some of these disagreements have crystallised around the role of the native<br />

language (L1) in the educational process, <strong>and</strong>, in particular, around its use as a<br />

medium for teaching content subjects <strong>and</strong> for introducing literacy. Bilingual<br />

education (BE) opponents have tended to see L1 teaching as a distraction from, <strong>and</strong><br />

even an impediment to, the important goal of acquiring English. Supporters of BE,<br />

on the other h<strong>and</strong>, backed by empirical evidence <strong>and</strong> theory, have tended to view<br />

support for the L1 as highly functional both in the mastery of academic content <strong>and</strong><br />

in the acquisition of the L2. They also stress the potential cognitive advantages of full<br />

bilingualism.<br />

One particular area of dispute is the research attempting to evaluate the comparative<br />

effectiveness of different types of educational program for LEP pupils. It is<br />

to this body of research literature that we now turn.

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