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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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<strong>Education</strong>al <strong>and</strong> political dimensions of bilingual education 61<br />

slightly different benchmarks. However, typical Californian practice, as reported by<br />

Hakuta et al. (2000: 3), is that pupils are reclassified as Fluent English Proficient<br />

(FEP) once they have passed an oral proficiency test <strong>and</strong>, additionally, scored above<br />

a designated level on an academic achievement test – usually ‘a st<strong>and</strong>ardised English<br />

reading test’ (e.g. SAT 9), which is ‘norm-referenced to a national sample of English<br />

speakers’. The designated level is typically set at around the 36th percentile rank.<br />

Both test <strong>and</strong> criterion have been criticised for two main reasons. First, it is widely<br />

recognised as problematic to assess minority language pupils against a criterion<br />

derived from a test norm-referenced to a different population. Second, the 36th<br />

percentile rank is by definition unattainable for at least one third of native Englishspeaking<br />

pupils, never mind minority language students.<br />

There are, then, obvious limitations in the instrumentation used in reclassifying<br />

pupils as FEP, but, in the absence of more meaningful benchmarks (see Hakuta et al.<br />

2000) <strong>and</strong> of useful normative developmental data, it seems for the present to be the<br />

accepted method.<br />

Turning now to the ‘how long’ findings, caveated though they must be for the<br />

reasons just mentioned, we at least find that they display a persuasive consistency.<br />

Thus, Cummins’s (1981) findings that immigrant children arriving in Canada after<br />

the age of six take between five <strong>and</strong> seven years on average to attain academic English<br />

proficiency but considerably less to develop high levels of oral proficiency are broadly<br />

consistent with those of later studies. Thomas <strong>and</strong> Collier (1997: 36), for example,<br />

conclude that it takes between four <strong>and</strong> ten years for minority language pupils to<br />

achieve ‘on grade’ levels of performance in reading in English. Progress, they say,<br />

is faster for those who receive L1 instruction <strong>and</strong> L1 support. G<strong>and</strong>ara (1999: 5)<br />

reports that by grade 3 LEP pupils’ listening skills are at 80 per cent of native<br />

proficiency with reading <strong>and</strong> writing skills lagging behind, <strong>and</strong> Hakuta et al.’s (2000:<br />

13) comprehensive review concludes that:<br />

in (school) districts that are considered the most successful in teaching English to<br />

EL students, oral proficiency takes 3 to 5 years to develop <strong>and</strong> academic English<br />

proficiency can take 4 to 7 years.<br />

The reasons why academic English skills take this long to approach grade level norms<br />

are not, in fact, difficult to identify: acquiring English is difficult in itself, <strong>and</strong> LEP<br />

pupils are continuously striving to catch up with native-speaking peers whose own<br />

academic skills in English continue to advance.<br />

It turns out, then, that Proposition 227’s call for the mainstreaming of minority<br />

language pupils at the end of a transitional period ‘not normally intended to exceed one<br />

year’ is, on most evidence, unrealistic in what it assumes about the rate of acquisition<br />

of English academic skills. Too quick a shift to English-only instruction may, moreover,<br />

impede parental involvement with their child’s schooling with the adverse<br />

consequences that typically follow.<br />

There is, therefore, as Cummins (1998: 2) points out, no ‘quick-fix’ solution:<br />

indeed, Hakuta et al. (2000) propose the entire duration of elementary school as a<br />

realistic time span for the development of academic skills in English, during which

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