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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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132 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

Such figures, <strong>and</strong> the testimony of observers (e.g. Ridge 2000), impel one to the<br />

conclusion that, despite the constitution, the dominance of English in contemporary<br />

South Africa is increasing rather than diminishing, a trend that gives weight to<br />

Maclean <strong>and</strong> McCormick’s (1996: 329) suggestion that the official multilingualism<br />

of the constitution has a primarily symbolic purpose, <strong>and</strong> to the suspicion voiced by<br />

de Swaan (2001a: 140) that the current situation is not entirely displeasing to the<br />

country’s leaders.<br />

The wider lesson, however, is not that there is no problem: a greater public<br />

role for indigenous African languages would clearly be beneficial, <strong>and</strong> English does<br />

have an undue dominance in education. It is rather that solutions remain elusive.<br />

As we have seen, official recognition <strong>and</strong> official promotion top-down cannot of<br />

themselves improve a language’s status if its speakers prefer to learn <strong>and</strong> use some<br />

other language to enhance their employment prospects. And calls for the revalorisation<br />

of indigenous African languages, as exemplified by the sociolinguistically<br />

flawed Asmara Declaration, may draw attention to an inequitable situation but do<br />

not of themselves provide the resources nor create the political will necessary for their<br />

implementation.<br />

The South African situation also highlights, once again, the limited capacity<br />

language status planning has of itself to alter the sociolinguistic balance of power.<br />

To bring that about some more profound economic reconfiguration is needed that<br />

makes the other languages of South Africa equally attractive to the population. As<br />

Kamwangamalu (2003: 244) remarks, ‘the masses need to know what an education<br />

in these languages [the nine indigenous official languages] would do for them in<br />

terms of upward social mobility’. Ridge (2000: 166) makes a similar point when he<br />

argues that:<br />

the dominant position of English in South Africa is … the choice of a non-English<br />

majority, who have real needs which they see as met through the language. …<br />

They deserve to be taken seriously.<br />

It needs spelling out, perhaps, that these South African applied linguists are not<br />

arguing that the language provisions of the constitution8 are unnecessary or<br />

misguided. Rather that – given the complex socio-economic <strong>and</strong> ideological forces<br />

currently operating in favour of English – they are not sufficient to reduce English<br />

to equality with the other official languages. Reconciling the popular dem<strong>and</strong> for<br />

education in English with action to elevate the status of indigenous African<br />

languages is, thus, a more delicate <strong>and</strong> complex matter than some have supposed, not<br />

just in South Africa but even more so in the weaker states to the north. We return to<br />

this issue in a little more detail in Chapter 7, but for the present we move on to<br />

consider the impact of English spread on cultural diversity.<br />

5.2.2 English as threat to cultural diversity: assessing the claims<br />

In critical writings, English is often implicated in globalising processes of cultural<br />

homogenisation <strong>and</strong> Americanisation. One of the more ‘up-front’ assertions of this

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