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62 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

time a pupil’s other academic needs should receive attention, not least – given the<br />

accumulation of evidence about its positive influence on the child’s future academic<br />

prospects – the continued development of the L1.<br />

3.2.3.5 Conclusion: the educational arguments around Proposition 227<br />

In the course of the preceding discussion we have seen that none of the educational<br />

assumptions underlying Proposition 227’s provisions are supported by the research<br />

evidence. To summarise very briefly:<br />

1. There is no backing for the ‘time-on-task’ principle. Time spent developing the<br />

literacy skills in the L1 need not detract from the development of those same<br />

skills in the L2.<br />

2. There is no evidence that bilingual instruction is so burdensome that it<br />

impedes the pupil’s acquisition of English. On the contrary, there is empirical<br />

<strong>and</strong> theoretical support for the cognitive benefits of the additive bilingualism<br />

that results when pupils continue to develop their L1 while learning an L2.<br />

3. The idea that minority language pupils should be taught in English as early <strong>and</strong><br />

quickly as possible because younger learners pick up second languages more<br />

readily is also not sustainable. First, the evidence on the age question is not<br />

clear-cut: younger learners may have an advantage but only in certain areas of<br />

second language acquisition. Second, there is a gap between premise <strong>and</strong><br />

conclusion that needs to be bridged by further argument. There are grounds,<br />

in fact, for supposing that developing literacy skills in the L1 provides a good<br />

foundation for these same skills in the L2.<br />

4. The time taken to acquire academic skills in English is considerably longer<br />

than that assumed in Proposition 227.<br />

On the whole, then, theory <strong>and</strong> data point to the potential benefits of bilingual<br />

education (BE). They are only potential, however, because BE can be well or poorly<br />

delivered, <strong>and</strong>, as Cummins (1998: 3) has pointed out, it is no panacea for the<br />

relative educational underperformance of certain categories of minority pupils, some<br />

of whose complex causes may be found in the schooling process <strong>and</strong> others in a<br />

disempowering environment beyond the school.<br />

Finally, the fact that Proposition 227 was so solidly endorsed in the face of<br />

unsupportive educational evidence leads one to suspect that the ideological <strong>and</strong><br />

political dimensions of the BE debate carry as much, if not more, weight than the<br />

educational. It is, therefore, to these dimensions that we now turn.<br />

3.3 THE POLITICS OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN THE<br />

UNITED STATES<br />

The successful passage of California’s Proposition 227 may be attributed, at least in<br />

part, to the importance that bilingual education (BE) now assumes as a symbolic<br />

issue in a wider language policy conflict. As already noted, this is sometimes

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