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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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Minority languages <strong>and</strong> language revitalisation 85<br />

say, town <strong>and</strong> country planning, for, as Aitchison <strong>and</strong> Carter (2000: 149) note, issues<br />

of housing <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong> use can have significant cultural <strong>and</strong> linguistic ramifications –<br />

as, for example, when a new housing estate, providing mainly for in-migrants, is<br />

erected in a rural Welsh-speaking area. No doubt it is considerations such as these<br />

that impel Williams, C. to assert that ‘sound language planning is holistic in nature’<br />

(1991b: 315). In similar vein, both O’Riagain (2001: 213) <strong>and</strong> Baker (2001: 83)<br />

approvingly echo Bourdieu’s (1991: 57) comment that:<br />

those who seek to defend a threatened language … are obliged to wage a total<br />

struggle. One cannot save the value of a competence unless one saves the market,<br />

in other words, the whole set of political <strong>and</strong> social conditions of production of<br />

the producers/consumers.<br />

We conclude, then, that the GIDS scale has heuristic value, but gives insufficient<br />

weight to economic variables – to a ‘linguistic market’ affected by economic as well<br />

as political forces.<br />

4.2.2.2 Ethnolinguistic vitality <strong>and</strong> language revitalisation<br />

A second influential framework in the language revitalisation field, seen by some (e.g.<br />

Bourhis 2001) as complementary to the GIDS scale, is Giles, Bourhis <strong>and</strong> Taylor’s<br />

1977 model, or framework, of ethnolinguistic vitality; vitality being defined here as<br />

‘that which makes a group likely to behave as a distinct <strong>and</strong> collective entity within<br />

the intergroup setting’. Because groups with higher levels of ethnolinguistic vitality<br />

have better prospects of survival as a distinctive linguistic-cultural collectivity than<br />

those with lower levels, Giles et al.’s 1977 framework of structural variables affecting<br />

ethnolinguistic vitality assumes considerable significance, <strong>and</strong> is therefore, displayed<br />

in Figure 4.1.<br />

On the left-h<strong>and</strong> side are demographic factors divided into two subcategories:<br />

numbers <strong>and</strong> distribution. The former encompasses the basic features of population<br />

change – growth or decline in absolute numbers as affected by birth rates, patterns<br />

of immigration/emigration <strong>and</strong> exogamous or endogamous marriages. The latter<br />

refers to the concentration <strong>and</strong> distribution of group members in particular<br />

geographical locales <strong>and</strong> their proportion relative to the entire population. Concentrations<br />

of speakers in an area where they constitute a high proportion of the<br />

population has long been acknowledged as one factor favourable to language<br />

maintenance.<br />

Institutional support <strong>and</strong> control factors in the centre refer to the degree to which<br />

the ethnolinguistic group is represented in, <strong>and</strong> has control over, institutions at<br />

community, regional or even state level, for example in the media, civil administration,<br />

education, commerce <strong>and</strong> industry. ‘Formal’ here denotes the extent to<br />

which group members have decision-making powers within institutions, <strong>and</strong><br />

‘informal’ refers to the degree of lobby influence exercised by the group. Clearly,<br />

language groups with higher levels of institutional support <strong>and</strong> control have better<br />

prospects for enhancing their vitality.

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