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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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The global spread of English 113<br />

prosperity requires a strong research infrastructure, <strong>and</strong> this means a significant cadre<br />

of persons with the language skills to access English language scientific publications.<br />

This, no doubt, is one of the reasons for the entrenchment of English in so many<br />

education systems worldwide.<br />

5.1.2 Linguistic imperialism as an explanation of spread<br />

Thus far, the picture presented is unexceptional <strong>and</strong> does not depart from the widely<br />

accepted view (see Crystal 1995, 1997; Graddol 1997) that the historical context of<br />

the global spread of English is one where the legacy of empire is supplemented <strong>and</strong><br />

reinforced by the rise in the twentieth century of the United States as a world power.<br />

However, as one seeks to effect a conceptual transition from the abstractions of<br />

power to actual decisions to acquire English, <strong>and</strong> as one enquires more closely into<br />

the precise agencies of spread, one enters more contested terrain.<br />

One influential view that has strongly shaped academic discussion in this area over<br />

the past decade <strong>and</strong> which, therefore, we need to discuss, is that of Phillipson, who<br />

in a series of publications since 1992 (e.g. 1997, 2000, 2003) has proposed that the<br />

diffusion of English has been, <strong>and</strong> still is, substantially orchestrated, facilitated <strong>and</strong><br />

led by what he refers to as the Centre; that is, the United States <strong>and</strong> Britain, whose<br />

commercial <strong>and</strong> political interests such diffusion serves.<br />

In the core chapters of his 1992 book (chapters 5 <strong>and</strong> 6), Phillipson implicates a<br />

variety of agencies in the promotion <strong>and</strong> spread of English. These include the British<br />

colonial authorities, <strong>and</strong> in the post-colonial era the British Council, the British<br />

Foreign Office, the United States Information Agency, the Agency for International<br />

Development, the Ford Foundation, the State Department, complicitous local elites<br />

<strong>and</strong> – not least – the TESOL/ELT profession. And to bolster his claims of orchestration<br />

<strong>and</strong> promotion Phillipson adduces a version of the ‘cui bono’ argument (see<br />

Spolsky 2004: 79); that is, if we wish to know who is responsible for a situation, we<br />

should ask who benefits. Phillipson’s answer is clear: it is the Centre, with English<br />

serving as one of the key vehicles for maintaining its dominance <strong>and</strong> perpetuating<br />

the dependence of the ‘Periphery’.<br />

This thesis of linguistic imperialism, as propounded by Phillipson, encompasses<br />

effects as well as causes – the alleged adverse impact of global English on other<br />

languages, for example – but, as it is most centrally <strong>and</strong> coherently a theory of cause<br />

<strong>and</strong> agency, it is from this angle that we make our first approach.<br />

5.1.2.1 Critiquing linguistic imperialism<br />

An initial point is that the coherence of linguistic imperialism as a causal hypothesis<br />

requires us to identify it as a distinct form of imperialism, distinguishable from but<br />

complementary to imperialism in general, <strong>and</strong> one which has conscious, coordinated<br />

efforts to diffuse English at its core. Otherwise it risks redundancy, for the spread of<br />

English could be viewed as a side effect, or epiphenomenon, of the power relations<br />

of colonialism. The very assumptions of the hypothesis, in other words, oblige us to

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