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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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180 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

We turn first, however, to an overview of current policies on media of instruction<br />

in sub-Saharan Africa, <strong>and</strong> to the problems attached to them.<br />

7.1 CURRENT POLICIES ON MEDIA OF INSTRUCTION:<br />

ARTICULATING THE PROBLEM<br />

The tendency in much of anglophone Africa, with a few interesting exceptions, 1 is<br />

for education to be conducted through an indigenous language medium2 for the first<br />

three or four years of primary education, with a switch taking place thereafter to<br />

exclusively English medium instruction. In Lusophone <strong>and</strong> Francophone Africa, by<br />

contrast, Portuguese <strong>and</strong> French respectively tend to be the official languages of<br />

instruction from the start, though in certain countries (e.g. Mozambique: see Benson<br />

2000) this policy is under review following relatively successful experimentation with<br />

bilingual media inclusive of local languages. 3 Table 7.1 summarises the situation in<br />

a limited but not unrepresentative range of mainly anglophone countries.<br />

This, of course, is only a portrait of official policies. The actual situation on the<br />

ground is a good deal more complicated in that it is very common for teaching in the<br />

local language, or some combination of the local indigenous language <strong>and</strong> the<br />

exoglossic official language medium, to continue for some years after the official<br />

switch of medium, producing a de facto bilingual medium. One of the principal<br />

reasons for this classroom code-switching is simply that teachers find it necessary to<br />

make themselves understood by pupils who have only limited proficiency in the<br />

official language medium.<br />

7.1.1 Media of education in lower primary school<br />

There is widespread academic agreement that the mother tongue or a local language<br />

well known in the community is, in principle, the most suitable medium for<br />

education in the initial years of education. Put briefly, the educational argument is<br />

that cognitive development <strong>and</strong> subject learning is best fostered through teaching in<br />

a language the child knows well. Instruction in a language familiar to pupils improves<br />

immeasurably the quality of interaction between teacher <strong>and</strong> pupil. It also narrows<br />

the psychological gulf between home <strong>and</strong> school, integrates the school better into<br />

the local community <strong>and</strong> gives recognition to the language <strong>and</strong> culture the child<br />

brings to school with positive effects on the self-esteem of individuals <strong>and</strong> local<br />

communities (see Benson 2002). The work of Cummins (1979, 1984) <strong>and</strong> others<br />

suggests, moreover, that consolidation of the child’s L1 facilitates subsequent<br />

acquisition of a second language (see Chapter 3).<br />

In spite of equivocal early research findings (e.g. Engle 1975), these arguments are<br />

increasingly bolstered by empirical evidence. For example, in a recent study Williams<br />

(1996) shows that fifth-year primary pupils in Malawi, where the medium until<br />

grade 4 is Chichewa, have no worse reading abilities in English than primary five<br />

pupils in Zambia, where the official medium is English from grade 1. Moreover, the

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