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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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Minority languages <strong>and</strong> language revitalisation 101<br />

140). These play an important role in consolidating L1 Welsh language skills <strong>and</strong><br />

in raising the linguistic awareness of L2 Welsh learners, laying thereby a sound<br />

foundation for language work in the primary curriculum.<br />

Not indicated in the tables above, but significant enough to mention, is the<br />

considerable variation in the nature of bilingual education provision across Wales, a<br />

variability conditioned principally by the demography of school catchment areas<br />

(see Baker 1993, 1997). Thus, whereas in the anglicised areas of the south, Welshmedium<br />

schools cater principally to English L1 speakers, in the north <strong>and</strong> west the<br />

clientele consists predominantly of Welsh L1 speakers. But there are also mixed<br />

catchment areas producing school classes in which Welsh L1 speakers sit alongside<br />

L2 Welsh learners. The latter are in effect experiencing a form of Welsh immersion<br />

education on a Canadian model <strong>and</strong> the former a form of heritage or developmental<br />

bilingual education (see Chapter 3). There are, again, schools that only teach Welsh<br />

as an L2 subject, schools that teach almost all subjects in Welsh <strong>and</strong> schools that<br />

employ mixed-medium teaching, which is variously interpreted either as teaching<br />

some subjects in Welsh <strong>and</strong> others in English, or as teaching bilingually, that is using<br />

two language concurrently in the same lesson. This complex patterning of bilingual<br />

instruction is certainly interesting but space forbids any further discussion here.<br />

All one can say here is that it constitutes a potentially profitable area for bilingual<br />

education research.<br />

Looking at the overall impact of Welsh language education on the fortunes of the<br />

language, we can summarise the principal contributions as follows:<br />

• As activists had hoped, the education system in Wales has recruited new speakers<br />

to the language, compensating thereby for the shortfall in family-based reproduction<br />

of the language. Evidence for this effect lies in the census returns of 1981,<br />

1991 <strong>and</strong> 2001, which show an increase in the number of Welsh speakers between<br />

the ages of three <strong>and</strong> fifteen. And evidence for the effect of schooling independent<br />

of the family can be found in the 1991 census data showing that no less than<br />

36.1 per cent of all Welsh-speaking children come from homes where neither<br />

parent speaks Welsh (Welsh <strong>Language</strong> Board 1999). This does not mean, however,<br />

that Welsh language planners, ignoring Fishman (1991), seek to underplay the<br />

importance of family-based transmission. Rather they emphasise the complementary<br />

role of school-based language production in the maintenance of the<br />

language. And, of course, if language maintenance were the sole purpose of<br />

bilingual education, its justification would be weak. But, as we have seen in the<br />

previous chapter, there are independent grounds for supposing that bilingual<br />

education, properly implemented, can benefit the child educationally <strong>and</strong><br />

psychologically as much as, or more than, monolingual schooling.<br />

• Welsh-medium education has helped consolidate the language skills of L1<br />

speakers, especially literacy skills, whose positive influence on language maintenance<br />

is generally well attested. That it is now possible to study through Welsh<br />

from nursery up to postgraduate level is also in itself a considerable achievement.<br />

• Finally, as Williams (2000a: 670) points out, the growth of bilingual education

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