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56 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

3.2.3.2 Principle 2: bilingualism as cognitive burden<br />

Less secure still is the second notion that bilingual instruction is cognitively<br />

burdensome for the LEP pupil. Implicit in this view is what Cummins (1980) has<br />

called the separate underlying proficiency model of bilingualism (SUP), which<br />

claims first that the two languages of the bilingual are stored <strong>and</strong> function separately,<br />

<strong>and</strong> second that they somehow compete over a finite cognitive space. Neither<br />

proposition, however, can be sustained. The available evidence suggests that the two<br />

languages interact, allowing the integration <strong>and</strong> transfer of cognitive material learnt<br />

in either language, an idea encapsulated in Cummins’s proposal of a common underlying<br />

proficiency model of bilingualism (CUP), to which we return presently.<br />

Moreover, ever since Peal <strong>and</strong> Lambert’s (1962) watershed paper, there has been a<br />

steady accumulation of evidence that in certain circumstances the development of<br />

bilingual proficiency can procure particular, subtle, cognitive advantages: enhanced<br />

metalinguistic awareness, increased capacity for divergent thinking, heightened<br />

communicative sensitivity <strong>and</strong> greater field independence (see reviews of literature by<br />

Baker 2001; Cummins 1976, 2000).<br />

The evidence is not wholly unequivocal, however, as there have been methodological<br />

problems with studies comparing the cognitive functioning of bilinguals<br />

against monolinguals, <strong>and</strong> questions may be asked regarding the persistence of<br />

cognitive benefits over time, the precise conditions under which bilingualism is<br />

cognitively beneficial, the mechanisms delivering these putative advantages <strong>and</strong> the<br />

direction of causality – from bilingualism to improved cognitive functioning, or<br />

the reverse. Additionally, there are studies reporting a neutral or negative relation<br />

between cognitive functioning <strong>and</strong> bilingualism (e.g. Torrance et al. 1970),<br />

particularly those conducted with language minority pupils acquiring an L2, which<br />

cannot be discounted purely on account of methodological flaws.<br />

To reconcile these discrepant findings it has been suggested, following Lambert<br />

(1975), that positive cognitive effects are most likely to arise from conditions of<br />

‘additive’ bilingualism, where the individual adds a second language at no cost to the<br />

maintenance of an L1, <strong>and</strong> negative or neutral effects from conditions of ‘subtractive’<br />

bilingualism, where a minority language L1 is gradually replaced by a socially<br />

dominant L2.<br />

Cummins’s thresholds hypothesis<br />

A rather different effort to resolve these inconsistencies, <strong>and</strong> to explain how a homeschool<br />

language switch can be simultaneously associated with lowered academic<br />

achievement in language minority pupils in the United States <strong>and</strong> relatively high<br />

academic achievement in majority children in immersion programs in Canada, is<br />

represented by Cummins’s thresholds hypothesis. First proposed in the 1970s<br />

(Cummins 1976, 1979), <strong>and</strong> subsequently modified <strong>and</strong> qualified, this, in its<br />

original version, claims that there are two thresholds of bilingual language competence<br />

that mediate the effects of bilingual learning experiences on cognitive<br />

functioning. The first threshold is reached once the individual has attained a

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