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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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152 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

academic journals have shifted to publication in English. In short, it is no longer<br />

just a foreign language but one with significant internal uses, a situation usually<br />

diagnostic of membership of the outer circle.<br />

This returns us to our original point: the three circles schema summarises the<br />

broad context of the use of English worldwide, but in so doing inevitably abstracts<br />

<strong>and</strong> simplifies a more complex reality. As long as we remain alert to this, it remains<br />

a useful device.<br />

6.2 DEFINING THE NEW ENGLISHES<br />

The term ‘New Englishes’ is usually understood to denote varieties of English<br />

from post-colonial societies (e.g. India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Ghana) whose formal<br />

properties – phonological, lexical, grammatical, discoursal – show a measure of<br />

divergence from British or American st<strong>and</strong>ard English. They are distinguished<br />

from what Kachru (1992b) calls ‘performance varieties’, spoken in exp<strong>and</strong>ing circle<br />

countries such as Japan, by the following sociolinguistic characteristics (Kachru<br />

1992b: 55):<br />

1. Length of time in use (New Englishes are of long st<strong>and</strong>ing, having developed<br />

in the colonial era);<br />

2. Extension in use (In many post-colonial outer circle countries, English has<br />

attained a considerable level of penetration in terms of functions <strong>and</strong> numbers<br />

of users, for many of whom the localised English expresses a distinct, independent<br />

identity);<br />

3. Emotional attachment of L2 users with the variety (see above);<br />

4. Functional importance (see above);<br />

5. Sociolinguistic status (see above. Also, English is an official language, or serves<br />

official functions, in many outer circle countries).<br />

Relatively clear though this sociolinguistic specification may be, labels for<br />

New Englishes – ‘Singapore English’, ‘Nigerian English’, ‘Indian English’ <strong>and</strong> so<br />

forth – can mislead if they are taken to refer to homogenous, clear-cut <strong>and</strong> clearly<br />

individuated entities, for in fact the labels shelter considerable heterogeneity.<br />

Indigenisation has been accompanied by sociolinguistic variation – conditioned<br />

mainly, it appears, by education <strong>and</strong> occupational status – so that in Nigeria, for<br />

example, there is now a cline of varieties ranging from educated Nigerian English,<br />

which is relatively close to British st<strong>and</strong>ard English, to Nigerian Pidgin English, a<br />

linguistically more distinct variety. Similarly, in Singapore a cline of comparable<br />

subvarieties has long been recognised (see Gupta 1999; Platt, Weber <strong>and</strong> Ho 1989),<br />

ranging from St<strong>and</strong>ard English, through educated Singapore English, to a contact<br />

variety, Colloquial Singapore English (SCE), also known as Singlish, which is<br />

acquired both as a first language <strong>and</strong> as a second language. Borrowing terminology<br />

from creole studies, some writers use the terms acrolect, mesolect <strong>and</strong> basilect to refer<br />

to the most educated, the middling <strong>and</strong> the most informal varieties respectively.<br />

Individuals with higher levels of education usually control the full lectal range

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