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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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The global spread of English 145<br />

competent, authoritative users of a distinct variety. The outcome, they believe, would<br />

be communication on more equal terms. There are obvious implications for the<br />

teaching of English here, but first we turn to the second form of inequality<br />

mentioned above.<br />

For this, the remedy most commonly proposed, particularly for post-colonial<br />

Africa, involves circumscribing the role of English <strong>and</strong> elevating the status of<br />

indigenous local languages so as to empower hitherto excluded <strong>and</strong> marginalised<br />

groups. Given the long-st<strong>and</strong>ing neglect of local languages, <strong>and</strong> all too obvious<br />

current socio-economic inequalities, this proposal has, we argued, real merit. Yet<br />

it needs to take account of the reality that in societies tied into an increasingly<br />

globalised economy English is, <strong>and</strong> is seen to be, a language of mobility <strong>and</strong><br />

opportunity, <strong>and</strong> that therefore any drastic curtailing of its educational position<br />

could be politically problematic. For this reason we argued that a policy of complementarity<br />

involving both an enhanced role for local languages <strong>and</strong> democratisation<br />

of access to English might be one of the more feasible ways of ameliorating languagerelated<br />

inequality.<br />

Democratisation in this context positively does not mean, however, the ever<br />

earlier introduction of English into the curriculum, a policy response that is usually<br />

expensive <strong>and</strong> ineffective in equal measure (see Nunan 2003). It refers rather to the<br />

enhancement of access to English for disadvantaged groups in circumstances where<br />

the language is necessary for mobility <strong>and</strong> participation yet relatively inaccessible.<br />

Relevant here, <strong>and</strong> illustrative of what we mean by democratisation, are the criteria<br />

set out by Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO), a British aid agency, to guide their<br />

support to English language teaching (ELT) worldwide, which state that:<br />

VSO support (for ELT) should be for a clear time-bound period with clearly<br />

articulated outcomes for disadvantaged individuals <strong>and</strong> groups. (VSO 2002: 5)<br />

Later in the same guidelines one finds the following distinction drawn:<br />

It is crucial to distinguish between the provision of English to those who already<br />

have access to it <strong>and</strong> to those for whom it is relatively inaccessible. So, it would not<br />

be appropriate to support ELT simply for ‘national development’ purposes, where<br />

English is accessed only by the more educated ‘middle classes’ on the assumption<br />

they will contribute to increasing economic growth, some benefits of which may<br />

‘trickle down’ to the poorest people. Experience shows this does not necessarily<br />

happen. (VSO 2002: 5)<br />

Applying these principles has meant that in China, for example, VSO support for<br />

ELT has been targeted primarily to the remoter, less developed provinces rather than<br />

to the more affluent, faster developing coastal regions, <strong>and</strong> to middle schools <strong>and</strong><br />

teacher training rather than to high schools <strong>and</strong> universities (VSO 2001: 5). In these<br />

guidelines it is possible to detect one salutary influence of critical perspectives on<br />

global English: a greater sensitivity, namely, to the effects <strong>and</strong> socio-economic<br />

context of ELT, a sensitivity which one hopes will steadily diffuse more widely<br />

through the profession.

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