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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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Chapter 2<br />

The practice of language planning:<br />

an overview of key concepts<br />

In this chapter we turn to a review of key concepts in the study of language planning<br />

practices, starting with some initial terminological clarification regarding the scope<br />

of the terms ‘language policy’ <strong>and</strong> ‘language planning’, which are sometimes used<br />

interchangeably <strong>and</strong> sometimes to mark distinct domains.<br />

For commentators such as Baldauf (1994), Schiffman (1996) <strong>and</strong> Kaplan <strong>and</strong><br />

Baldauf (2003) there is a clear difference in denotation, the former (language policy)<br />

referring to decision-making processes <strong>and</strong> the setting of goals, <strong>and</strong> the latter<br />

(language planning) to the implementation of plans for attaining these goals. The<br />

distinction seems justified when one considers the frequency with which policies are<br />

declared but not implemented (see Bamgbose (2000) for examples). But it also tends<br />

to encourage a view of language planning as primarily a set of technical activities, or<br />

managerial operations, undertaken after the really important decisions have been<br />

made by politicians or administrators; a characterisation resisted by some language<br />

planning scholars on the grounds that political <strong>and</strong> social considerations intrude as<br />

much into implementation as they do into initial decision-making.<br />

Some, therefore, would subsume policy formation under language planning (LP),<br />

an example being Rubin (1971), whose influential framework of LP procedures<br />

provides for four separate phases: fact-finding, policy determination (formulation),<br />

implementation <strong>and</strong> evaluation.<br />

Clearly, then, there is a certain indeterminacy about the range of reference of the<br />

two terms, a complicating factor being that it is sometimes difficult, as Schiffman<br />

(1996: 13) <strong>and</strong> others note, to ascertain just what policies are actually in force – there<br />

being some that are formalised <strong>and</strong> overt but many others also that are inchoate,<br />

de facto <strong>and</strong> highly informal. It may be preferable, therefore, not to overplay the<br />

discreteness of planning <strong>and</strong> policy as separate categories but instead regard them<br />

as so closely related that they can profitably be brought together for purposes of<br />

exposition <strong>and</strong> analysis, this being an increasingly common tendency, it would<br />

appear, if one considers the co-ordinate phrase ‘language policy <strong>and</strong> language<br />

planning’ in the title of Wright’s (2004) recent volume.<br />

A similar indeterminacy attaches to the vertical scope of language policy/planning;<br />

that is, to the question of whether families, individuals even, may be said to have

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