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<strong>Language</strong> education policy in post-colonial Africa 197<br />

development, <strong>and</strong>, while changes in the medium of instruction policy may resolve<br />

some of these problems, there is, as argued earlier, little immediate prospect of radical<br />

policy change. Also, while there is a large literature on policy, empirical studies of the<br />

processes of L2 medium instruction in Africa, <strong>and</strong> of how those processes might be<br />

made more efficient, are rather less abundant. There still remains, then, much work<br />

for applied linguists to do.<br />

NOTES<br />

1. One exception is Zambia, where English functions as the official medium from grade 1 of<br />

primary school.<br />

2. Terms used in this chapter to refer to various different types of language or language variety<br />

(e.g. ‘mother tongue’ or ‘indigenous language’) are problematic. ‘Mother tongue’, for example,<br />

is unsatisfactory because in Africa many children grow up with bilingualism as their ‘mother<br />

tongue’. And ‘mother tongue education’ may be a misnomer because, while the language used<br />

at home <strong>and</strong> in early primary education may bear the same name, they may in fact be quite<br />

different varieties. ‘Indigenous language’, too, is problematic when used to contrast with<br />

‘former colonial language’, for many Africans do, in fact, speak English, or to an even greater<br />

extent Portuguese (see Vilela 2002: 308), as their native, first language, albeit in an Africanised<br />

form. That said, as a matter of convenience we shall persist with these terms because they are<br />

widely used <strong>and</strong> seem unlikely in the present context, given this caveat, to provoke serious<br />

misunderst<strong>and</strong>ing.<br />

3. There is a long tradition of experimentation with bilingual primary schooling, incorporating<br />

local languages as media of instruction, in Francophone countries such as Burkino<br />

Faso, Mali <strong>and</strong> Niger. But even after twenty years of experimentation there have been no<br />

moves to extend the use of bilingual media to all mainstream primary schools in the state<br />

sector (Alidou 2003: 110).<br />

4. Chichewa <strong>and</strong> Nyanja are in fact very closely related languages.<br />

5. Alidou (2003: 106–8) draws on UNESCO research data (UNESCO 2000 Status <strong>and</strong><br />

Trends 2000: Assessing Learning Achievement. Paris: UNESCO).<br />

6. Having lived in Kaoma (formerly Mankoya), the centre of the Nkoya heartl<strong>and</strong>, from 1977<br />

to 1982, the author can confirm the reality of such tensions.<br />

7. These very factors feature prominently in the explanation given by the then Malaysian<br />

prime minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamed, of the government’s 1993 decision to reinstate<br />

English as medium of higher education in science, engineering <strong>and</strong> medical courses after many<br />

years of Bahasa Malaysia medium (see Gill 2004: 144).<br />

8. The Malaysian corpus planning agency, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, has played a leading<br />

role in elaborating a corpus of scientific <strong>and</strong> technical terms in Malay (see Chapter 2), greatly<br />

facilitating the completion in 1983 of a switch from English to Malay medium instruction in<br />

all subjects in public university education (Gill 2004: 142).<br />

9. The heyday of ‘structural adjustment’ policies was the 1980s <strong>and</strong> early 1990s. Imposed by<br />

the IMF-World Bank (in part as a remedy for the heavy burden of external debt servicing),<br />

they prescribed, among other things, privatisation of state enterprises, liberalisation of capital<br />

controls <strong>and</strong> the reduction of public expenditure, including expenditure on education.

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