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48 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

example is the Oyster Elementary School program initiated in 1971. In the 1990s<br />

there has been a rapid expansion in the number of dual language programs – perhaps<br />

because of favourable evaluations. Crawford (1997) reports that by 1994–95 there<br />

were 182 program schools across ten states, still a small proportion relative to the<br />

total number of schools. Baker (2001) cites a figure of 200 dual language schools<br />

established by 2000.<br />

Nearing the end of this overview, it needs to be said that the program types outlined<br />

above constitute only very loose categories. Not only is there considerable variation<br />

within each type but the generic labels given to particular programs may positively<br />

mislead as to their actual content <strong>and</strong> nature.<br />

Willig <strong>and</strong> Ramirez (1993), for example, point out that some programs bearing<br />

the label ‘transitional bilingual education’ in fact provide very little instruction<br />

through the L1. Conversely, some SAIP programs that claim to instruct only in<br />

English, even those deemed exemplary (Lucas <strong>and</strong> Katz 1994), utilise the pupils’ L1<br />

for a variety of pedagogic purposes. Guzman (2002: 1) also warns that some dual<br />

language programs are incorrectly labelled as such: ‘What school districts describe as<br />

dual language programs is not always clearly aligned with the technical definition’.<br />

And even when the label is correctly applied, there is ‘variation in implementation’.<br />

It is precisely this kind of variation, <strong>and</strong> mismatch between label <strong>and</strong> operationalisation,<br />

that has undermined the value of some of the research evaluations attempting<br />

to assess the relative effectiveness of program types. And it is this that prompts<br />

Willig <strong>and</strong> Ramirez (1993) to advise that any such research should document<br />

carefully the details of program implementation.<br />

In conclusion to the section, then, we refer to some of the key parameters<br />

distinguishing programs <strong>and</strong> program types:<br />

• Proportion of instructional time in the L1: The quantity of teaching in the L1<br />

(relative to the L2), defined in terms of (a) the duration of L1 teaching in years<br />

<strong>and</strong> (b) the intensity of L1 use (that is, how much of the school week, <strong>and</strong> in<br />

how many subjects, instruction through L1 takes place) <strong>and</strong> its impact on<br />

educational outcomes for LEP pupils, has been a major focus of research,<br />

perhaps unduly so. As we shall see, there is a near consensus among bilingual<br />

education researchers that greater support for L1 development, <strong>and</strong> academic<br />

development in L1, is positively related to higher long-term academic attainment<br />

by LEP pupils.<br />

• Type of L2 support: While all programs for LEP pupils provide ESL teaching,<br />

there is variation in the type of support offered. The main contrast is between<br />

ESL taught as a language arts subject, usually in ESL pull-out mode, with a<br />

focus on the grammar, vocabulary <strong>and</strong> phonology of the language, <strong>and</strong> ESL<br />

taught via content subject instruction by a qualified ESL teacher. Thomas<br />

<strong>and</strong> Collier (1997) claim that the latter is associated with higher long-term<br />

educational attainment.<br />

• Degree of integration with the mainstream: In some program types (e.g. ESL pull-

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