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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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54 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

effective programs at school level <strong>and</strong> on dissecting the factors that contribute to<br />

their effectiveness, a form of research sometimes labelled ‘school effectiveness’<br />

research. And from this research, as summarised by August <strong>and</strong> Hakuta (1997:<br />

75–82), comes the not unsurprising findings that among the attributes of effective<br />

schools are strong leadership by the principal, staff with high expectations of LEP<br />

pupils <strong>and</strong> a commitment to their achievement, instruction adapted to the needs of<br />

the pupils, systematic student assessment, a balanced curriculum, use of the pupils’<br />

native language, high levels of parental involvement <strong>and</strong> a gradual, well-organised<br />

transition from special language instruction to mainstream classes.<br />

Implicit here throughout, of course, is the assumption, shared by Cummins<br />

(1998) that BE, specifically the use of the child’s home language in school, is no<br />

panacea, no guarantor of success, <strong>and</strong> that bilingual programs of any type may be<br />

well or poorly implemented.<br />

Another, more radical, response to the disappointing utility of program evaluations<br />

comes from Cummins (1988, 1999, 2000), who complains that the evaluative<br />

research has been inattentive to testing theoretical principles underlying bilingual<br />

education programs. Thus, he criticises August <strong>and</strong> Hakuta’s (1997) research review<br />

for the National Research Council, favourable though it is to the benefits of L1<br />

instruction for LEP pupils, for focusing unduly on research findings in isolation<br />

from the theory that provides a principled, sounder basis for their interpretation. In<br />

place of the unmediated interpretation of research findings, Cummins proposes an<br />

alternative paradigm for bilingual education research, labelled the ‘research-theorypolicy<br />

paradigm’ (Cummins 2000: 213), in which theory has an exp<strong>and</strong>ed role.<br />

A theoretical framework, Cummins points out, allows the generation of predictions<br />

about program outcomes under varying conditions. It allows us to integrate<br />

findings from studies conducted in different contexts <strong>and</strong> thereby to refine hypotheses<br />

from which further predictions can be deduced <strong>and</strong> tested. It also extends the<br />

scope of policy-relevant research beyond those studies with a matched treatmentcontrol<br />

group design to, in principle, smaller-scale case studies reporting program<br />

outcomes against which the predictions of theory can be assessed.<br />

One of the better known theoretical frameworks derives from Cummins’s own<br />

work in which he proposes a set of theoretical principles to account for the outcomes<br />

of bilingual education in different settings. It is to these that we now turn, examining<br />

them through the prism of the debate over Proposition 227.<br />

3.2.3 Proposition 227 <strong>and</strong> theories of bilingual education<br />

Proposition 227, adopted by California voters in June 1998, states that:<br />

all children in California public schools shall be taught English by being taught in<br />

English. In particular, this shall require that all children be placed in English<br />

language classrooms. Children who are English learners shall be educated through<br />

sheltered English immersion during a temporary transition period not normally<br />

intended to exceed one year. (Cited in Crawford 1999: 302)

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