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Gibson Ferguson Language Planning and Education Edinburgh ...

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34 <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Planning</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Education</strong><br />

captive audience, <strong>and</strong> the curriculum affords the state unequalled opportunities to<br />

shape the attitudes <strong>and</strong> behaviours of the next generation. Unsurprisingly, then, it<br />

has often been a cornerstone in processes of national transformation.<br />

To take one example, the national mass education systems introduced in Engl<strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> Wales in 1870, <strong>and</strong> in France in the 1880s under the Jules Ferry laws have, like<br />

those in many other countries (e.g. Japan – see Coulmas 2002), been absolutely<br />

central to the dissemination of national st<strong>and</strong>ard languages, which are, of course,<br />

often quite different to the vernacular varieties spoken in the home. In such cases,<br />

inculcation of literacy in the st<strong>and</strong>ard calls for mastery not only of a different<br />

medium – writing – but also of a syntactically <strong>and</strong> lexically different variety.<br />

<strong>Education</strong> has also more recently been a key instrument for language revitalisation<br />

in societies emerging from, or rejecting, the old linguistic/cultural hegemony of<br />

a dominant, centralised state – in Wales, Catalonia <strong>and</strong> the Basque country, for<br />

example – where teaching the regional language is seen as an essential complement<br />

to intergenerational transmission within the family <strong>and</strong> as generally uplifting to the<br />

prestige of the language.<br />

Evidence for the efficacy of teaching in revitalising a language is mixed, however.<br />

The recent small rise in the number of Welsh speakers recorded in the 2001 national<br />

census can, for instance, very plausibly be attributed to greater school exposure to<br />

Welsh; but, as explained more fully in Chapter 4, it remains to be seen whether<br />

Welsh language skills acquired at school will be retained over a lifetime <strong>and</strong> h<strong>and</strong>ed<br />

down to the next generation.<br />

In the very different circumstances of Irel<strong>and</strong>, however, teaching the minority<br />

language 12 has not proved to be an effective instrument for language revitalisation<br />

(see Ó’Riagáin 2001). The lesson many commentators draw, following Fishman<br />

(1991), is that while minority language schooling is helpful, even necessary, for<br />

language revitalisation, it is insufficient <strong>and</strong> likely in fact to be ineffective in the<br />

absence of actions in other domains that reinforce the effects of teaching (see<br />

Chapter 4).<br />

If language education very often functions as an instrument for the attainment of<br />

wider status planning goals (e.g. the dissemination of a national st<strong>and</strong>ard language),<br />

it may also be a focus of language policy in its own right, one sufficiently distinct to<br />

merit a separate label. One possibility, proposed by Cooper (1989: 33), is ‘acquisition<br />

planning’, which refers to planning directed at increasing the numbers of users/<br />

speakers of particular languages. Another, perhaps preferable for being more encompassing,<br />

is ‘language planning in education’ within the scope of which would fall the<br />

following policy issues, many of which are discussed in later chapters:<br />

1. The choice of medium of instruction for various levels of the education system<br />

– primary, secondary, tertiary (see Chapters 3 <strong>and</strong> 7)<br />

2. The role of the home language (or ‘mother tongue’) in the educational process<br />

(see Chapter 3)<br />

3. The choice of second/foreign languages as curricular subjects of instruction,<br />

along with associated decisions on:

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