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Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

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0120CHAPTER 3Education for All Global Monitoring ReportWithoutredistributivefiscal transfers,whole regionsand historicallydisadvantagedgroups canbe left behindSocial protection provides a mechanism forintegrating child labour into wider national povertyreduction efforts. Evidence from Latin America andbeyond highlights <strong>the</strong> potential. Reductions in childwork by beneficiaries of conditional cash transfershave been found in Brazil, Cambodia, Ecuador,Mexico and Nicaragua. In Cambodia, <strong>the</strong> averagechild receiving a transfer was ten percentagepoints less likely to work for pay. Reduction of childlabour as a result of <strong>the</strong>se programmes is oftena by-product of school attendance conditions,or, as in Cambodia, a result of direct transfersfor education (Fiszbein et al., 2009).Programmes could go fur<strong>the</strong>r to target householdswhose poverty forces <strong>the</strong>m to rely on child labour –but transfers need to be big enough to compensatefor <strong>the</strong> lost income. Targeting <strong>the</strong> Ultra Poor, aprogramme launched in 2002 by <strong>the</strong> Bangladeshinon-government organization BRAC, includeschild labour as one indicator of eligibility. In<strong>the</strong> programme, carefully targeted ‘ultra poor’households in rural Bangladesh receiveunconditional cash and asset transfers, credit,training and equipment. Income poverty has fallen,nutrition and health have improved, andbeneficiaries have increased <strong>the</strong>ir access toproductive assets. However, <strong>the</strong> effects on childlabour and enrolment have been more muted. Asone response, BRAC now includes school enrolmentas a <strong>monitoring</strong> benchmark for graduation fromultra poverty (Sulaiman, 2009). Conditions mayalso be needed to ensure that children are not keptout of school to take care of livestock assets that<strong>the</strong> household has been given. At <strong>the</strong> same time,benefits from <strong>the</strong> programme need to be sufficientto compensate for lost income from child labour.Budgeting against marginalizationGovernment budgets are a major policy toolfor combating marginalization in education.<strong>Reaching</strong> <strong>the</strong> most <strong>marginalized</strong> often requireshigher spending than for wealthier areas, with aredistribution of public finance helping overcomeinherited disadvantage. Yet <strong>the</strong> <strong>marginalized</strong>often live in regions with little capacity to mobilizefinance. Without redistributive fiscal transfers,whole regions and historically disadvantagedgroups can be left behind.Financial decentralization has often widenedopportunity gaps. Devolving responsibility forrevenue-raising can bring decision-making onfinancing closer to <strong>the</strong> communities affected,but it can also widen financing gaps between richerand poorer regions, and between schoolswithin regions (UNESCO, 2008a). In China’shighly decentralized financing system, per studentexpenditure on junior middle schools is eighteentimes higher in Beijing and Shanghai than in<strong>the</strong> poorest provinces (Dollar and Hofman, 2006).Governments can seek to direct public spendingtowards <strong>marginalized</strong> regions and groups throughvarious mechanisms.Mobilizing resources. Ensuring that excludedgroups get a stake in new sources of national wealthis one way to combat marginalization. In practice,this is often a politically fraught exercise becauseredistribution between subnational bodies involvescomplex bargaining by central government. TheBolivian Government has introduced several newfiscal transfer mechanisms financed by a DirectHydrocarbon Tax. Two of <strong>the</strong>se are directlyredistributive. The tax finances a cash transferof around US$50 million to <strong>the</strong> Juancito Pintoprogramme. Covering close to 2 million children,it targets districts with high dropout and lowattendance. Ano<strong>the</strong>r social transfer programmeprovides minimum income support. Toge<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>two programmes represent around 2% of GDP.By far <strong>the</strong> largest part of <strong>the</strong> Direct HydrocarbonTax revenue takes <strong>the</strong> form of a block grant tosubnational governments. This transfer, estimatedin 2009 at US$902 million, or 9% of GDP, is notpro-poor and tends to favour gas-producingdepartments with relatively low poverty. Thus,<strong>the</strong> Direct Hydrocarbon Tax has increased overallfinancing for <strong>marginalized</strong> children in education,but has done little to narrow financing inequalities.Scaling up <strong>the</strong> Juancito Pinto programme wouldstreng<strong>the</strong>n equity by making <strong>the</strong> tax systemmore progressive (Gray Molina and Yañez, 2009).O<strong>the</strong>r countries with significant mineral wealth,such as Angola, Nigeria and Peru, could alsosystematically target transfers to regions ofhigh deprivation in education.Prioritizing equity. Many countries have adoptedrules for <strong>the</strong> transfer of public finance that attachweight to poverty-related factors, including deficitsin education (UNESCO, 2008a). One recent examplecomes from India. Before 2007, equity played onlya limited role in determining resource allocation.District population size was <strong>the</strong> main criterion usedin estimating need. A new formula attaches moreweight to social indicators, including a district-levelEducation Development Index. In 2005/2006, <strong>the</strong>differences in per child allocation between high210

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