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Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

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0120CHAPTER 4Education for All Global Monitoring ReportIn many cases,tensions betweennational donorpracticesand <strong>global</strong> FTIrules have stalleddeliverylevel. Local donor groups, engaged in dialoguewith governments over many years, identifyFTI priorities in <strong>the</strong> context of support forsector plans. In many cases, donor groupshave developed flexible and innovative strategiesfor building national capacity and workingthrough national systems. The applications forFTI financing <strong>the</strong>n go through ano<strong>the</strong>r set ofprocesses at <strong>the</strong> <strong>global</strong> level, with World Bankdisbursement rules weighing heavily in financingdecisions. In many cases, tensions betweennational donor practices and <strong>global</strong> FTI ruleshave stalled delivery.Weak <strong>global</strong> leadership. The FTI has notgalvanized high-level financial and politicalsupport, as its narrow donor base and limitedsuccess in mobilizing financial resources show.The steering committee has not set a strategicdirection and has failed to act decisively inresolving problems over disbursement. A newgovernance structure has recently been adoptedbut it is not apparent that it will be able torectify <strong>the</strong>se problems. Beyond <strong>the</strong> FTI itself,<strong>the</strong> High-Level Group has proved ineffective insetting an agenda for change. It was mandatedto ‘serve as a lever for political commitment andtechnical and financial resource mobilization’,but its annual meetings have become high-leveltalking shops characterized by long planningcycles, agendas lacking strategic objectivesand wide-ranging, unfocused debate. Eachmeeting has culminated in <strong>the</strong> adoption of vaguecommuniqués that are long on broad injunctionsto governments and largely devoid of practicalcommitments. The <strong>EFA</strong> Global Monitoring Report2003/4 issued a harsh verdict on <strong>the</strong> first twomeetings: ‘Nei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> communiqués nor <strong>the</strong><strong>report</strong>s …’, it concluded, ‘have had any visibleinternational impact, ei<strong>the</strong>r in generating politicalcommitment or in mobilizing <strong>the</strong> resourcesrequired to achieve <strong>EFA</strong>’ (UNESCO, 2003, p. 255).That assessment could be extended to all eightHigh-Level Group meetings.Delivering finance:too little and too erraticConfusion has marked <strong>the</strong> debate over <strong>the</strong> roleof <strong>the</strong> Fast Track Initiative in mobilizing additionalfinancing. Some observers – including many donors– argue that FTI endorsement has played animportant indirect role in generating increased aidthrough bilateral donors. O<strong>the</strong>rs focus on <strong>the</strong> directfinancing provided through <strong>the</strong> Catalytic Fund.While indirect financing is difficult to measure,<strong>the</strong>re is little evidence to support a strong ‘FTIeffect’, and <strong>the</strong> Catalytic Fund has delivered smallamounts of finance with high transaction costs.Financial leverage of FTI endorsement?Annual <strong>report</strong>s published by <strong>the</strong> FTI partnershipclaim that plan endorsement has helped leverageadditional aid (Bermingham, 2009a; FTI Secretariat,2008a). That claim is usually supported byreference to studies looking at aid levels beforeand after FTI endorsement of national plans.The problem is that <strong>the</strong>se studies lend <strong>the</strong>mselvesto selective interpretation. Consider first <strong>the</strong>widely cited finding that ‘<strong>the</strong> early FTI countriesseem to have experienced a greater increase inbasic education commitments’ (FTI Secretariat,2008a, p. 26). This is based on <strong>the</strong> observationthat countries with plans endorsed in 2002–2004secured a doubling in aid commitments over2000–2006, which is greater than <strong>the</strong> increasefor non-endorsed countries. It is not clear why<strong>the</strong> comparison period begins in 2000 (two yearsbefore <strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong> FTI). Moreover,extending <strong>the</strong> period to 2007 eliminates <strong>the</strong>positive finding (Rawle, 2009).The scope for selectivity can be illustrated byreference to ano<strong>the</strong>r comparison. In <strong>the</strong> elevencountries endorsed in 2002 and 2003, <strong>the</strong> annualrate of increase in aid commitments to basiceducation to 2005 amounted to 4%. This was lessthan half <strong>the</strong> increase in commitments recordedfor non-FTI low-income countries. Within <strong>the</strong> FTIgroup, <strong>the</strong> increase in commitments was unequallydistributed, ranging from annual growth of over80% in Mauritania and Yemen to 10% in BurkinaFaso. Moreover, commitments actually fell inconstant 2007 dollar terms in five FTI-endorsedcountries. This evidence does not point to anegative FTI effect, but it hardly lends weightto <strong>the</strong> case for a positive effect.Preliminary assessment of <strong>the</strong> FTI mid-termevaluation concludes that aid data ‘do notconstitute strong evidence that FTI endorsementleads to a surge in aid for basic education’(Cambridge Education et al., 2009, p. 34). Indeed,it was <strong>the</strong> failure of bilateral donors to scale upsupport for education sufficiently in countrieswith endorsed education plans that prompteda broadening of <strong>the</strong> Catalytic Fund remit in 2007beyond its initial focus on those lacking a criticalbase of donors.254

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