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Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE <strong>EFA</strong> GOALSEarly childhood care and educationformative years, children develop <strong>the</strong> cognitive andwider skills that will prepare <strong>the</strong>m for school. Pupilsfrom disadvantaged backgrounds often enter schoolcarrying a legacy of disadvantage in many areas,including lower levels of communication, languageand literacy skills. The effects of growing up in adisadvantaged home are seldom reversed later inlife – in fact, <strong>the</strong> gaps widen as children progressthrough <strong>the</strong>ir school years (UNESCO, 2005).Narrowing <strong>the</strong> opportunity divideAn early start in education is particularly importantfor children from disadvantaged families. Poverty,low levels of parental education or speaking aminority language at home are among <strong>the</strong> mostpowerful transmitters of disadvantage acrossgenerations. Good-quality early childhood provisioncan cut <strong>the</strong> transmission lines.By <strong>the</strong> time children enter school, disparities inlanguage skills linked to income and o<strong>the</strong>r factorsare often so marked that children can never catchup. Evidence from <strong>the</strong> United States demonstratesthat test scores at <strong>the</strong> age of 18 are predictable byage 5 (Heckman, 2008). Research in Ecuadorindicates that differences in vocabulary test scoresbetween children from different wealth groups arelimited at age 3 but that by age 5 <strong>the</strong> gap is far toowide to be closed in later school years (Paxson andSchady, 2005b) (Figure 2.4). In <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom,longitudinal studies show that test scores at22 months are a strong predictor for educationalqualifications at 22 years (Feinstein, 2003).Moreover, studies have shown that children fromlow socio-economic backgrounds but with highcognitive ability scores at 22 months are overtakenby children with lower scores from more affluentfamilies between <strong>the</strong> ages of 5 and 10 years.Income differences are not <strong>the</strong> only source ofadvantage and disadvantage. Parental education,ethnicity and home language all exercise a stronginfluence on early childhood test scores andsubsequent educational achievement (Brooks-Gunnand Markman, 2005; EACEA, 2009; Leseman andvan Tuijil, 2005). The issue of language is especiallysalient. There is strong evidence from <strong>the</strong>Organisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment (OECD) that having a home languagethat is different from <strong>the</strong> language used in schoolsignificantly decreases achievement for immigrantchildren in both primary and secondary school(Christensen and Stanat, 2007; Schnepf, 2004).Remedial action often meets with limited success.In Norway, 20% of migrant students placed inBox 2.3: Cash transfer in Nicaragua — overcoming cognitive deficitsIn many developing countries, serious delays in children’s cognitivedevelopment damage <strong>the</strong>ir prospects in school and <strong>the</strong>ir productivityas adults. Understanding <strong>the</strong> causes of cognitive deficits and developingways to reduce <strong>the</strong>m are critical policy priorities.The Atención a Crisis programme in Nicaragua demonstrates <strong>the</strong> potentialbenefits of early intervention. Significant cash payments, representing onaverage about 15% of household income, were made every two months towomen in poor rural households. To be eligible, parents had to take childrenof pre-school age for regular visits to health centres, where <strong>the</strong>y wereweighed and received vaccinations and food supplements.This pilot programme, carried out during 2005 and 2006, includeda careful evaluation. Results indicated that <strong>the</strong> programme improvedseveral dimensions of child development:After only nine months in <strong>the</strong> programme, children aged 3 to 4 yearshad made up 1.5 months’ delayed personal-social and languagedevelopment on one set of test scores, rising to 2.4 months forchildren aged 5 to 6 years.Participating households were found to have higher values for signsof parental stimulation, including <strong>the</strong> availability of books, paperand pencils, and <strong>the</strong> likelihood of parents reading to children.Overall food expenditures increased among treated households,especially on nutrient-rich foods.Wide-ranging preventive health benefits were identified. Participatingchildren were more likely to have had a growth check-up, receivedvitamin and iron supplements, and to have been treated with de-wormingdrugs. The <strong>report</strong>ed health status of mo<strong>the</strong>rs had also improved.Source: Macours et al. (2008).special language training groups on enteringschool never leave <strong>the</strong>m and in Switzerland mostmigrant children not deemed equipped to entermainstream classes are still in such groups aftertwo years (Field et al., 2007). Moreover, evidencefrom several countries shows that catching upthrough special classes often requires studentsto miss <strong>the</strong> normal curriculum (Karsten, 2006).Early childhood education can play an important rolein offsetting social, economic and language-baseddisadvantage. Evidence from around <strong>the</strong> worldindicates that high-quality early care is goodfor all children, but particularly for those fromdisadvantaged backgrounds. The followingare among <strong>the</strong> findings to emerge from a rangeof rigorous evaluations:The Head Start Impact Study in <strong>the</strong> United Statesrandomly evaluated about 5,000 3- and 4-yearolds.It found small to moderate statisticallyHigh-quality earlycare is particularlyimportant forchildren fromdisadvantagedbackgrounds49

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