Reaching the marginalized: EFA global monitoring report, 2010; 2010

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0120CHAPTER 4Education for All Global Monitoring ReportThe evidencedoes notsupport intensepessimism on aideffectivenessAid for educationSince the Dakar World Education Forum in 2000,the global aid environment has undergone aprofound shift. After a steep decline in the 1990s,development assistance budgets have been rising.An important catalyst for change was theMillennium Development Goals (MDGs). Donorsand developing country governments see increasedaid as vital support for policies aimed at reducingpoverty, getting children into school and achievingthe wider goals set out in the MDGs.Donor commitments – and efforts by campaignersto hold donors to those pledges – reflect a positiveview of international aid. Some commentatorsargue, however, that aid undermines economicgrowth, distorts national priorities, fuels corruptionand delivers little for the poor (Easterly, 2003).As one prominent critic puts it: ‘Aid has been, andcontinues to be, an unmitigated political, economicand humanitarian disaster for most parts of thedeveloping world’ (Moyo, 2009, p. xix). Controversiesabout aid effectiveness go back several decadesbut recently have taken on a new lease of life,with some commentators calling for developmentassistance to be curtailed or even eliminated.Yet the evidence does not support this intensepessimism on aid effectiveness.Consider first the argument that more aid meansless economic growth. If it were true, this wouldclearly be bad not just for poverty reduction, butalso for the financing of basic services such ashealth and education. But there is no robustevidence to support the claim that aid weakensgrowth prospects. From 2000 to 2008, as aid tosub-Saharan Africa almost doubled, economicgrowth averaged 5% to 6% a year – double theaverage of the 1990s. Meanwhile, the incidence ofpoverty fell from 58% to 51%, with absolute numbersbelow the poverty line declining for the first timein a generation (Chen and Ravallion, 2008).But aid to productive infrastructure has supportedgrowth. One study finds that each US$1 in aid yieldsUS$1.64 in increased income in the recipientcountry (Radelet et al., 2005).The association between aid and governanceis even more complex. Aid pessimists claim thatan assured and abundant supply of developmentassistance can reduce the incentives forgovernments to raise domestic revenue, creatinga cycle of dependence and weakening accountabilityto citizens. Another claim is that large inflows ofaid can help fuel corruption, especially in countrieswith weak public financial management systems(Brautigam, 2000). Yet, while there is no shortageof corruption among many governments receivingaid, cross-country studies have generally failed toestablish significant, clear or consistent causallinks between aid dependence and standards ofgovernance (Coviello and Islam, 2006; Moss et al.,2006). Moreover, aid has played an important rolein supporting the development of more accountableinstitutions in countries including Mozambique,Nepal and the United Republic of Tanzania.Nevertheless, aid pessimists raise some importantissues. Economic growth in many aid-dependentcountries has been disappointing. That does notmean aid is the underlying reason, but there arestrong grounds for concluding that aid could haveachieved far more. Similarly, aid optimists tendto turn a blind eye to corruption. Too much aidthat could have been used to build classrooms,train teachers or stock health clinics has beenwasted or stolen – sometimes with the collusionof major donors – or otherwise ill-used becauseof poor governance (Wrong, 2008). There is nodoubt that aid is likely to work better in countriesthat are serious about tackling corruption andstrengthening governance.Developments in education underscore thepotential for aid to make a difference. To citesome achievements in countries where aidfinancing is important:Cross-country analysis looking further backsuggests aid has a broadly positive impact ongrowth, though high levels of aid dependenceover long periods can have adverse consequences(Clemens et al., 2004). Part of the problem withthe argument of aid pessimists is that it fails todifferentiate between types of aid. No one wouldexpect aid to basic education or child health todeliver early results for economic productivity.Since the overthrow of the Taliban in 2001,Afghanistan has received sizable amountsof aid to restore its education system. Withsupport from many non-governmentorganizations, donors and United Nationsagencies, the government has respondedto the high demand for education from theAfghan people. Fewer than a million children,most of them boys, were enrolled in primary218
THE AID COMPACT: FALLING SHORT OF COMMITMENTSAid for educationeducation at the beginning of the decade. In 2007,over 4.7 million children went to school, morethan one-third of them girls.Cambodia’s Education Sector Support Project,funded by several donors, provides scholarshipsthat help children from poor families make thetransition from primary to secondary school.The scholarships have had a marked effect:schools benefiting from the programme havesecondary enrolment rates 21% higher thannon-participating schools (Fiszbein et al., 2009).Over the past decade, Mali has embarked onan ambitious programme to accelerateprogress towards universal primary education.Twenty-two donors provide financial andtechnical assistance. External aid accounted fornearly three-quarters of the programme cost in2007 – excluding teacher salaries. The primarynet enrolment ratio increased from 46% at theend of the 1990s to 63% in 2007. While markedgender disparities remain, the ratio of girls toboys in primary school rose from 70% to 80%.A decade ago, children entered primary schoolswith very few books, but in 2008 every first gradepupil had two books (Ky, 2009).In Mozambique, donors have pooled theirsupport for the national education strategy.Aid has played a key role in financing schoolconstruction in rural areas, recruiting andtraining teachers, and providing textbooks.From 1999 to 2007, the net enrolment ratio inprimary education increased from 52% to 76%.The number of children out of school fell byhalf a million.When the Dakar forum was held in 2000,about 3 million children in the United Republicof Tanzania were out of school. The figure isnow less than 150,000. The country’s educationstrategy has combined measures aimed atimproving access, including the removal of usercharges, with increased investment in classroomconstruction, teacher training and textbooks.These examples do not represent aid successstories in a narrow sense. They are the result ofnational policies and national political leadershipsupported by development assistance. No amountof aid can counteract poor policies and politicalindifference. But when increased aid is harnessedto strong policies, it is possible to rapidly expandopportunities for basic education. As the case ofAfghanistan shows, development assistance canalso help rebuild education systems in countriesaffected by conflict.This section is divided into four parts. The level ofaid to education is a function of two things: overallflows of official development assistance (ODA) andthe share of those flows directed into education.Part 1 looks at the first part of that equation,assessing the record of donors in the light ofpledges to increase aid by 2010. Part 2 examinesthe level of aid to education, with a focus on basiceducation. Part 3 looks at progress towards moreeffective aid, focusing on aid predictability anddonor use of country reporting systems. Part 4considers the position of countries affected byconflict. The following are among the keymessages:Development assistance works. Aid pessimistsargue that development assistance is failing theworld’s poor. The evidence on education doesnot support that claim. While much can bedone to strengthen aid’s effectiveness, it isdelivering results.Overall aid levels are rising – but there is areal danger that donors will fall short of theirpledges. Taking into account current spendinglevels and forward spending plans, projected aidin 2010 may be US$20 billion less than targetlevels. Budget pressures and political decisionsin donor countries may exacerbate the gap.Delivering on commitments made to developingcountries in 2005 will require an emergencyresponse on the part of the donor community.Free-riding has emerged as a serious problem.Donors have adopted bold collective targets,but national targets reveal highly variable levelsof ambition, and some countries – includingG8 members – are undermining collectivecommitments by failing to meet their fair shareof the burden.There are large financing gaps for basiceducation and aid commitments are stagnating.With the 2015 deadline for achieving the Dakartargets approaching and many countries offtrack, it is urgent for donors to close the basiceducation financing gap. The stagnation incommitments for basic education remains aconcern, with several major donors orientingaid towards higher levels of education.No amount of aidcan counteractpoor policiesand politicalindifference219
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CONTENTSChapter 4The aid compact: f
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100CONTENTS2Education for All Globa
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HIGHLIGHTS OF THE EFA REPORT 2010Hi
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OVERVIEW© XINHUA/Gamma/Eyedea Pres
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OVERVIEWChapter 2Monitoring progres
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OVERVIEWis open to question. Many n
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OVERVIEWon the scale of marginaliza
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OVERVIEWhome from the language of i
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OVERVIEW© Crispin Hughes/PANOSthe
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OVERVIEWThe reform process starts b
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Education for All Global Monitoring
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EDUCATION AT RISK: THE IMPACT OF TH
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSIntro
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSEarly
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSUnive
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSYouth
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSThe q
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PROGRESS TOWARDS THE EFA GOALSEstim
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REACHING THE MARGINALIZEDIntroducti
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REACHING THE MARGINALIZEDIntroducti
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REACHING THE MARGINALIZEDMeasuring
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REACHING THE MARGINALIZEDGetting le
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RISING TO THE EFA CHALLENGEOvercomi
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THE EDUCATION FOR ALL DEVELOPMENT I
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SELECTED INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS
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EDUCATIONAL EFFECT OF SELECTED SOCI
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STATISTICAL TABLESIntroductionunder
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STATISTICAL TABLESIntroductionLithu
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 1CurrentUS$
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 2YOUTH LITE
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3ACHILD WEL
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3ATuberculo
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3ACHILD WEL
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3ATuberculo
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3BGROSS ENR
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STATISTICAL TABLESTable 3BGROSS ENR
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01ANNEX02Education for All Global M
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0102ANNEXTable 5Participation in pr
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1002ANNEXTable 7Internal efficiency
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01ANNEX02Table 7 (continued)DROPOUT
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01ANNEX02Table 9B. Tertiary educati
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01ANNEX02Table 9B (continued)PERCEN
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1020ANNEXTable 12Trends in basic or
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2 0 10Education for All Global Moni
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20Education for All Global Monitori
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0120ANNEXEducation for All Global M
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12 00ANNEXEducation for All Global
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