04.05.2013 Views

MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

trade unions; it is easy to see the polemical potential of an idea like<br />

this.<br />

The Webbs (1920) recognised the possibility that officers could develop<br />

different ideas and outlooks. But they believed that some form of<br />

bureaucracy was desirable, mainly to take account of unions becoming<br />

more complex organisations but also in order to regulate the members<br />

so as to protect the union itself from the consequences of irresponsible<br />

action. The analysis therefore involved recognition of the inevitability of<br />

the development of Weberian forms of bureaucratic organisation,<br />

understanding that this would lead to complex power relationships<br />

between members and officers. This involved recognition of the ways in<br />

which officers had on the one hand to remain close to the members<br />

whilst on the other hand maintaining the integrity of the union itself.<br />

Marxist theorists share much of this analysis (see Kelly 1988 chapter<br />

7), save that they saw the ‘irresponsibility’ of the members as evidence<br />

of the manifestation of class struggle and the organisational work of<br />

officers as evidence of their collaboration with capitalism. These ideas,<br />

not surprisingly, perpetuate, as Kelly and Heery (1994:196) note, the<br />

‘over-simplistic’ bureaucracy vs rank and file division which has proved<br />

so unhelpful in examining the dynamics and organisation of trade<br />

unions.<br />

Using phrases like ‘optimistic’ and ‘pessimistic’ is a value laden action<br />

because if one adopts a Marxist perspective, the development of<br />

oligarchies and cleavages between members and officials, elected and<br />

appointed, might be expected to increase class consciousness and<br />

therefore enhance the class struggle, something Marxists would be<br />

optimistic about. Representing the views and interests of the members,<br />

though, is such a significant trade union goal that it does not seem<br />

unreasonable to regard Michelsian and Marxist approaches as being<br />

pessimistic in that they posit the inevitable ‘selling out’ of the<br />

membership.<br />

In these terms, there is more optimistic material available. Weber<br />

himself (1920), who interestingly was Michels’ teacher, believed that<br />

because of the greater efficiency of bureaucracy, it would render<br />

obsolete all traditional forms of rule. A deal of writing on the topic,<br />

however, tends, implicitly or explicitly, to assume the existence of<br />

oligarchic tendencies and to identify ways in which they can be kept at<br />

bay. Hyde (1984) advocates the need for the membership to formulate<br />

bargaining demands and to ratify agreements. Hartley (1982) seeks<br />

more freedom for what in the USA are called ‘locals’ and protection of<br />

minority rights. Bok and Dunlop (1970) point to the importance of<br />

internal interest groups in describing the influence members can exert<br />

over union policy. Schwab (1992) draws an analogy with the corporate<br />

sector, suggesting that the problems faced by members in controlling<br />

leaders are similar to those faced by shareholders in controlling<br />

managers – though he suggests that because of the altruism of some,<br />

21

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!