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MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

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In CWU, however, there was more ambivalence. Suggestions were<br />

made that this arose, as in UNISON, from a more individualistic<br />

approach – in this case, it was suggested, as a result of individuals<br />

being in post as a result of election. However, there were also industrial<br />

reasons, rooted in the fact that union members had been resisting team<br />

working in the Post Office for many years, so that, as it was put, the<br />

very concept arouses suspicion.<br />

Looking at the reasons for these attitudes does not produce a clear cut<br />

result. In UNiFI, as in UNISON, some degree of autonomy on the part<br />

of negotiating officers was identified as a ‘meaning’ arising from<br />

cognitive rules. In the case of UNiFI this does not seem to have been<br />

an impediment, at least at first, to the organisation pushing through a<br />

radical programme of project team formation even though it was known<br />

that some staff did not make much of a contribution to it. In UNISON,<br />

similarly, team working in regions was a centrally driven initiative which<br />

was explicitly trying to tackle the phenomenon of negotiating staffs’<br />

perceived autonomy. There was a candid appreciation of the fact that<br />

autonomy was affected, but that there were trades off in terms of staff<br />

experiencing a more concerned form of management. There were<br />

several suggestions that most staff actually liked being managed<br />

because, amongst other things, of the level of support that it<br />

demonstrated. ‘Meanings’ arising from cognitive rules are not, of<br />

course, immutable. They can be re-formulated and re-created over time<br />

as a result of organisational change and development, in cases of<br />

major change initiatives sponsored by senior management.<br />

CWU, is, though, an example of where there seems to be a very clear<br />

link between the ‘meanings’ influencing managerial actions and<br />

managers’ actions in approaching the idea of team working. The<br />

cognitive rules in CWU arise in part from a history of conflictual<br />

experiences with employers and part of that conflict has been related to<br />

supporting members who resist team working. It would not be<br />

surprising, furthermore, if concentrating on their own periodic elections<br />

influenced those organisational members concerned to be wary of<br />

ways of working which involved any form of shared responsibility.<br />

These may therefore contribute to explaining why CWU managers<br />

have been less involved in setting up and working in teams than<br />

managers in some other unions.<br />

Managing action<br />

Rather than focus on managers’ ‘doing’ roles, which are the subject of<br />

this category in Mintzberg’s (1994) typology, this research focussed on<br />

the issue of trade union leadership. The reason for this, as mentioned<br />

earlier, is that senior trade union managers often have to exercise more<br />

‘hands on’ roles, possibly as a result of public and member<br />

expectations. If they delegate, everyone wonders where they are.<br />

Furthermore the literature on trade union governance has hitherto<br />

made little distinction between leadership and management, focussing<br />

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