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MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

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Leadership<br />

In the public mind, all the interviewees in this research would have<br />

been described as trade union leaders, with the possible exception of<br />

two or three functional managers in CWU. Some were career<br />

professionals (IT, research, library, finance), some were managers<br />

elsewhere before they were appointed to posts in the union, some had<br />

been appointed from other unions. They may well be ‘moral activists’<br />

(Undy and Martin 1984), whatever that means, but many were not<br />

appointed from a restricted recruitment base. One General Secretary<br />

joined from another union; another Deputy General Secretary went off<br />

to be General Secretary of another union. The characterisations of<br />

union leaders cited in Chapter 2 (e.g Undy and Martin 1994, Allen<br />

1954), whatever their validity at the time they were written, seem<br />

something of a caricature today in what we observe in the case study<br />

unions. Some, in subjective assessments, seem to the researcher to be<br />

intellectually brilliant (a characteristic discounted by Allen 1954); others<br />

display businesslike characteristics (contrary to observations by<br />

Barbash 1959 and Clark and Gray 1991).<br />

This research has examined not ‘trade union leaders’ per se but ‘trade<br />

union managers’ It attempted to gather evidence as to what ‘trade<br />

union leadership’ meant to trade union managers, but this was<br />

inconclusive. As Chapter 9 comments, there is a sense of strategy and<br />

it is possible to discern a thread (in Exhibit 9.9) of belief that influencing<br />

is a component of the role, consistent with the definition of Paton and<br />

Clark (1999:36) that ‘leadership is influencing other people, in ways<br />

that are more or less acceptable to them, regarding certain core issues<br />

that face the group or organisation’; together with its corollary that<br />

‘leaders are those people who are expected to be, and are seen to be,<br />

influential on important matters’. This is of interest but the evidence is<br />

not strong enough to support any conclusion on the matter.<br />

Resource deployment<br />

As noted in Chapter 2, Willman et al (1993:53) presented a series of<br />

hypotheses relating to union finances. Two of these can be<br />

summarised as follows:-<br />

• Formal financial systems will be neither common nor rigorous in<br />

trade unions and financial issues will only be to the fore in<br />

moments of crisis or where survival is at stake, for example in<br />

the course of strikes or when mergers are discussed<br />

• Union leaders will seek to centralise the management of funds,<br />

whatever Rule Book provisions there may be, and seek to<br />

depoliticise income and expenditure decisions<br />

Willman et al (1993:203-5) found that the first of these propositions met<br />

only limited support. They found unions that planned for the future and<br />

pointed to the growth of technology in facilitating this. The second, they<br />

found, was substantially supported, particularly with the growth of<br />

393

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