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MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

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development. In the event, links were discernible. Chapter 9 presented<br />

7 hypotheses relating to those links. Although it is reasonable, one<br />

might conclude, to expect management to be more developed in<br />

unions that in later phases of merger, there are two qualifications. First,<br />

it is possible that the reason unions did not proceed to later phases is<br />

precisely because of the lack of development of management as a<br />

concept within those unions. If management is a difficult idea, then<br />

merger management will be just as difficult – leading to a rather circular<br />

scenario in which management does not develop as an idea because<br />

the union does not proceed to psychological merger. Secondly, the lack<br />

of institutional support for management does not mean that<br />

management is not taking place. Managers may be in cocoons but they<br />

accept their roles, recognise the need for management and seek to<br />

practise it as best they can, limited mainly by the lack of training that<br />

most of them receive in such circumstances and, often, cultures in<br />

which management is seen as lacking value.<br />

Proposition 3 asserted that experiences in confronting management in<br />

past careers would translate into the problematisation of management<br />

within unions. The idea that management was a problematic concept<br />

was based on the finding by Ouroussof (1993) in her extensive<br />

anthropological study of UNISON’s constituent unions prior to merger –<br />

a finding replicated by Kelly and Heery (1994). This was postulated in a<br />

proposition in this research. The implication of that proposition, it was<br />

assumed, was that constraints on their managerial activities would be<br />

perceived by trade union managers arising from the problematic nature<br />

of the role. The research largely supported Ouroussof’s (1993A)<br />

conclusion. The research also found that managers perceived a series<br />

of constraints, the most common of which related to performance or<br />

conduct management. Hales’ (1999) framework invites the researcher<br />

to postulate links between ‘meanings’, based on cognitive rules arising<br />

in a particular managerial environment, and managerial actions.<br />

Ouroussof herself (1993B:13) implicitly makes this link when she talks<br />

of the word ‘manager’ being, with organisational members,<br />

‘synonymous with indifference to people with less institutional power<br />

than themselves’. So one might expect the ‘meaning’ of management<br />

to incorporate a belief that one should somehow redress the balance of<br />

power.<br />

Articulation of the existence of constraints was made not only by<br />

people who had themselves negotiated with management but also by<br />

managers with other life experiences. So it is possible to suggest that<br />

cultural ‘meanings’ have arisen from the core experiences of<br />

organisational members that impact on the perceptions of trade union<br />

managers about the constraints that influence the way they carry out<br />

their roles.<br />

The activities of trade union managers<br />

Chapter 2 notes that there is little literature available describing what<br />

trade union managers do. This study has sought an answer to the<br />

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