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MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

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not unusual, though this does not remove the manager’s responsibility<br />

to manage in other ways. Indeed, Raelin (1991), looking at the clash of<br />

cultures between professionals and managers, suggests a range of<br />

mediation strategies in which managers can approach the issue of<br />

supervising professionals.<br />

There are criticisms of Mintzberg’s model (e.g.Hales 1999:341) but at<br />

the same time a recognition that the work does carry an explanatory<br />

account of managerial work, ‘one where the structural context in which<br />

managers operate plays a problematic role’ (Hales 1999:341). Hales<br />

himself has attempted a theoretical explanation for commonalities in<br />

managerial work. He sketches a theory of how the defining<br />

characteristic of managing – responsibility – is shaped by the<br />

resources, cognitive rules and moral rules of the social systems in<br />

which managers are located and the way they draw on those rules and<br />

resources. The activities, substantive areas and characteristics of<br />

managerial work which are common to managers are, Hales suggests,<br />

‘traceable to the institutional, organisational and management<br />

resources and rules which, together, shape managerial responsibility<br />

and which are, in turn, reproduced by what managers do and how they<br />

work.’ ‘Resources, cognitive rules and moral rules both constrain and<br />

enable what they do and which are reproduced and reaffirmed by what<br />

they do’ (page 343). In not for profit organisations, he says, cognitive<br />

and moral rules may carry greater relative weight. (page 344)<br />

Hales’ model is described in the diagram at Exhibit 2.5. It is of<br />

particular importance in this study because, as has been mentioned on<br />

a number of occasions, it is a highly effective vehicle for examining<br />

trade union management. Chapter 4 will describe in more detail how<br />

this is achieved but the view has been taken that examining the<br />

resources, cognitive rules and moral rules of the social systems within<br />

which trade union managers work will be of value in endeavouring to<br />

explain how they go about their management activities. Hales’ (1999)<br />

enables this to be done, just as Mintzberg’s (1994) framework helps to<br />

identify particular categories of trade union management work. Hales’<br />

model also maps with the realist character of this research in that it is<br />

possible to argue that the ‘modalities’ which he identifies are equivalent<br />

to realist ’mechanisms’ and thus enable the researcher to identify the<br />

reasons why trade union managers behave in the way that they do.<br />

For this reason, as will shortly appear, Hales’ (1999) model is one of<br />

the principal frameworks employed in the analysis of this research into<br />

the activities of trade union managers.<br />

49

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