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MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

MICHAEL DEMPSEY - Cranfield University

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One specific issue is relevant to the discussion above of staff<br />

autonomy. In looking at cultural change during merger the authors note<br />

that Cartwright and Cooper (1996:63) adopt a simple cultural typology<br />

of power, role, task/achievement and person/support cultures.<br />

Cartwright and Cooper place these on a continuum in which a power<br />

culture is at the limits of placing high individual constraints on<br />

employees and a person/support culture is at the limit of imposing little<br />

or no individual constraints. They then argue that it is not so much the<br />

distance between the merging parties that is important, but the<br />

direction in which the other culture has to move, i.e. ‘whether members<br />

of organisations experience the culture which they are expected to<br />

adopt as imposing more or less constraint on them as individuals.’<br />

Dempsey and McKevitt (2001) found that managers from NALGO,<br />

used to a role culture, tended to feel less constrained whilst those from<br />

NUPE, a power culture, felt more constrained. So the level of staff<br />

autonomy may depend on more than merely the extent to which<br />

national and individual objectives are set and monitored.<br />

The word ‘culture’ is almost as pervasive in the public prints as the<br />

word ‘stakeholder’ but it is inherently difficult to define and there are<br />

many disagreements about its meaning. Fryer (2000) highlights the<br />

extensive use of the idea in discourse during the negotiations that led<br />

to the creation of Unison. He makes the point that participants who<br />

used the word did so in a way which was pregnant with their own<br />

perceptions of their own union’s culture, and of the culture of the other<br />

unions and this is undoubtedly true. Nevertheless, the astonishing<br />

pervasiveness of the concept, one which previously had had precious<br />

little provenance in any literature relating to trade unions, is reflected in<br />

this research. Culture was not an area of enquiry during the interviews<br />

held in pursuance of this research but, of the 56 interviews held, 53<br />

interviewees used the term. Searching against the word produced 289<br />

coded passages. In some cases, the use of the word did not relate to<br />

organisational culture – there was reference, for example, to the<br />

enterprise culture. But it is plain from the case studies that interviewees<br />

had vivid understanding of the meaning of the term as it impacted on<br />

them, either with relation to their old union, to a partner union or to their<br />

new union.<br />

Instead of using the idea of culture as an analytical tool, Fryer (2000)<br />

uses the term ‘character’ which he defines (page 30) as ‘that rich<br />

collection of aims, values, purposes, ways of working, relationships,<br />

moods, signs, symbols, rites, ‘feel’, orientations and identities which go<br />

to make up what has sometimes been referred to as the ‘ethos’ of an<br />

organisation. A union’s character is also recognisable from its<br />

reputation, style and the typical vocabularies and attitudes expressed<br />

by its leaders and members. The notion of organisational character<br />

thus deliberately acknowledges the effective and emotional dimensions<br />

of organisational life and its construction, which are utterly central to<br />

45

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