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comparative value priorities of chinese and new zealand

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found that, aggregated over field <strong>and</strong> laboratory experimental studies, male <strong>and</strong><br />

female leaders were equally effective.<br />

� Paris, Howell, Dorfman <strong>and</strong> Hanges (2009), using GLOBE project data found<br />

that implicit preferred leadership prototypes held by female leaders differ from<br />

the prototypes held by male leaders, <strong>and</strong> that these prototype differences vary<br />

across countries, cultures, <strong>and</strong> industries. At this stage, the GLOBE project data<br />

indicates implicit perceptions <strong>of</strong> preferred leadership, rather than preferred<br />

leader behaviour.<br />

Several researchers, such as Sheppard (1992) argue that female managers in male<br />

dominated organisations may strive to display behaviour that is similar to male<br />

colleagues in order to fit the managerial leadership role stereotypes to be credible as<br />

managers in this situation <strong>and</strong> sufficiently feminine that they do not challenge<br />

associates’ assumptions about gender. Schein (2001) discusses this situation in terms <strong>of</strong><br />

role congruity theory, Schein, in her research on sex stereotypes associated with<br />

managerial leadership roles, finds that the roles typically have male attributes. The role<br />

congruence behaviour could be explained in terms <strong>of</strong> reducing cognitive dissonance<br />

(Festinger <strong>and</strong> Carlsmith, 1959).<br />

Schwartz’ studies across many cultures reveal small gender differences that are reliable<br />

only in very large samples (Schwartz, 1996a). Melech, Lehmann, Burgess, Harris <strong>and</strong><br />

Owens (2001) using the Portrait <strong>of</strong> Values Questionnaire (PVQ); a simplified adaptation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the SVS, compared gender differences for <strong>value</strong> <strong>priorities</strong> amongst samples from<br />

Italy, Israel, <strong>and</strong> South Africa. They expected largely weak correlations <strong>of</strong> <strong>value</strong>s with<br />

gender, which was indeed the case. Only 3 <strong>of</strong> the 30 correlations in the three samples<br />

studied here were more than 0.11.Women in Israel gave higher priority than men to<br />

benevolence <strong>value</strong>s (r = .14, p < .05) <strong>and</strong> in South Africa to tradition <strong>value</strong>s (r = .20, p <<br />

.01); men in Italy gave higher priority to stimulation <strong>value</strong>s (r = .17, p < .01). Thus,<br />

findings with the PVQ are consistent with past research on gender <strong>and</strong> <strong>value</strong>s.<br />

Schwartz <strong>and</strong> Rubel (2005) in a study <strong>of</strong> 127 samples from 70 countries found<br />

consistent cross-cultural sex differences for 7 <strong>of</strong> the 10 basic SVS <strong>value</strong>s.<br />

� Men attributed more importance than women did to Power, Stimulation,<br />

Hedonism, Achievement, <strong>and</strong> Self-Direction <strong>value</strong>s.<br />

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