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comparative value priorities of chinese and new zealand

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Stewart (2008: 1) argues “...the contours <strong>of</strong> a cultural community rarely coincide with a<br />

political entity. Nor does the ideal <strong>of</strong> national unity account for internal diversity <strong>and</strong><br />

conflict. Identities within nations are fluid, even from minute to minute.” Stuart relates<br />

an experience in France’s Loire Valley where he noticed in conversations with the local<br />

population that a person’s identity would change during the course <strong>of</strong> a conversation.<br />

“We French” would give way to “We Gauls,” “We Latins,” “We Bretons,” “We<br />

Franks,” or “We Europeans” depending on the topic.<br />

H<strong>of</strong>stede (1998: 17-18) tells us, “The use <strong>of</strong> nations as units for comparing mental<br />

programs is debatable. Most anthropologists shy away from nations as units for<br />

studying culture. They are basically right, as nations can host many cultures in the<br />

anthropological sense, <strong>and</strong> cultures can bridge more than one nation.” H<strong>of</strong>stede points<br />

out that if data are collected by field observation, the researcher can choose more<br />

relevant units than nation. However, if data are collected from secondary sources, as is<br />

much <strong>of</strong> the data employed by economists <strong>and</strong> financial researchers, the nation level, or<br />

province, or city may be the only levels available. These political boundaries have little<br />

to do with cultural boundaries. H<strong>of</strong>stede justifies his use <strong>of</strong> nation level data by the facts<br />

that most nations <strong>of</strong> significance in the world have been in existence for quite some<br />

time, <strong>and</strong> have national institutions, TV, the education system, the military, that tend to<br />

homogenise the <strong>value</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the citizens. He goes on to propose that if data collected at the<br />

nation level show significant correlations with cultural data from other sources, this<br />

validates a national level <strong>of</strong> analysis. This last proposal makes a great leap <strong>of</strong> faith as to<br />

the sampling skills <strong>of</strong> researchers collecting data across nations.<br />

An analysis <strong>of</strong> the idea <strong>of</strong> nation by Anderson (1991) proposes that imagination plays a<br />

role in any conception <strong>of</strong> nation, involving national leadership, identity, geographic<br />

boundary, or ideology. Describing national cultures using averages <strong>of</strong> a set <strong>of</strong> measures<br />

reflecting cultural <strong>value</strong> dimensions is unsound <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong>ten misleading in international<br />

management research, <strong>and</strong> perhaps creates imaginary constructs.<br />

In cross-cultural studies, it is easiest to construe the possible effects <strong>of</strong> proximal<br />

environmental influences, such as families <strong>and</strong> peer groups, on the individual. Analyses<br />

become more difficult when we consider influences such as region or nation. Smith<br />

(2004b) argues that the distant influences on the individual are wholly or partially<br />

mediated by the proximal influences. If we take a culture as an entity in which<br />

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