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comparative value priorities of chinese and new zealand

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a decrease in annual economic growth. They then applied this finding to Africa,<br />

reasoning that, because African countries are typically ethnically diverse, the strong link<br />

between ethnic heterogeneity <strong>and</strong> slow growth was quite likely an important part <strong>of</strong> the<br />

explanation for that region’s growth tragedy. Alesina, Devleeschauwer, Easterly, Kurlat<br />

<strong>and</strong> Wacziarg (2003) retested the correlations <strong>and</strong> found that moving from complete<br />

ethnic homogeneity (0.0) to complete heterogeneity (1.0) depresses annual growth by<br />

1.9 percentage points. For example, up to 1.77 percentage points in annual growth <strong>of</strong> the<br />

difference in annual growth between South Korea <strong>and</strong> Ug<strong>and</strong>a can be explained by<br />

different degrees <strong>of</strong> ethnic fractionalisation. Alesina et al. found linguistic<br />

fractionalisation to be strongly inversely related to economic growth, but religious<br />

fractionalisation is not. The correlations Alesina et al. found were, economic growth<br />

with ethnic fractionalisation, -0.471, with language, -.305, <strong>and</strong> with religion, -0.103.<br />

Ultimately, it is difficult to evaluate precisely the effect size <strong>of</strong> religio-socio-ethnolinguistic<br />

fractionalisation due to the strong correlation <strong>of</strong> the variables with other<br />

variables with explanatory potential. Positive or negative perception <strong>of</strong> fractionalisation<br />

is moderated by degree <strong>of</strong> ethnocentrism <strong>of</strong> the perceiver. Horowitz (1985) pointed out,<br />

relating to African tribes, “An Ibo may be ... an Owerri Ibo or an Onitsha Ibo in what<br />

was the Eastern region <strong>of</strong> Nigeria. In Lagos, he is simply an Ibo. In London, he is a<br />

Nigerian. In New York, he is an African.” The interactions amongst peoples <strong>of</strong> differing<br />

civilizations enhance the civilization-consciousness <strong>of</strong> people. In turn, these interactions<br />

bring to salience differences <strong>and</strong> animosities stretching, or thought to stretch back deep<br />

into history (Huntington, 1993), intensifying the ideas <strong>of</strong> them <strong>and</strong> us. Alesina,<br />

Devleeschauwer, Easterly, Kurlat <strong>and</strong> Wacziarg (2003) provide recent estimates <strong>of</strong><br />

ethno-religio-linguistic fractionalization for 190 countries.<br />

The use <strong>of</strong> the nation as a cultural construct is considered by some as a fallacy. For<br />

example, Egri <strong>and</strong> Ralston (2004), Littrell, Alon, <strong>and</strong> Chan (2006), <strong>and</strong> Ralston, Yu,<br />

Wang, Terpstra <strong>and</strong> He (1996) find that China has some as yet unknown number <strong>of</strong><br />

culture areas where residents have distinctly different patterns <strong>of</strong> emphasis on cultural<br />

<strong>and</strong> individual <strong>value</strong>s. Given this situation, this project will compare a defined region in<br />

China, Guangzhou City <strong>and</strong> Guangdong Province with a defined region, New Zeal<strong>and</strong>,<br />

though New Zeal<strong>and</strong> is problematic as a single culture area. See Figure 4.4 for the<br />

countries sampled in this study. The differences indicate an expectation <strong>of</strong> differences in<br />

cultural <strong>value</strong>s for China <strong>and</strong> New Zeal<strong>and</strong> from Alesina et al. (2003).<br />

163

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