A trobriandi krikettől... - Magyar Elektronikus Könyvtár ...

traditional cultural habits, customs and rites, which are first of all connected to the religion.
Traditions and their conscious incorporation into the present, into the everyday-life of the
villagers is the substance of the ethnic identity and is a means to guarantee group cohesion. At
the same time, they are not only boundary markers of the Swabian community but with their
maintenance, they represent very important survival symbols of ethnic identity for each
generation. Maintaining traditions is practically the single means of the survival strategy for
the group.
For about half of the second generation and for members of the third one, cultural traditions
are the single possibility in connection to the group of origin and the feeling loyalty towards
it. The Swabian traditions are strongly connected to their music and dance. There were always
some accordions and trumpets in the village; Dunabogdány always had its bands. Famous
Hungarian gypsy music has never been played or loved there. Today there are four brass
bands in the village. They play at church festivals, church ales, and midnight mass at
Christmas, burials and weddings. At national days the Hungarian hymn is played in
transcription for blow instruments. The most important religious traditions are the annual
festivals commemorating and honoring the saints of the local Catholic Church and chapel.
The famous „Swabian balls” accompany these festivals, where everybody living in
Dunabogdány participates. At the „sramli” music, they dance traditional dances such as waltz,
polka or hupfedli.
These cultural traditions, which have survived, help the remembrance and symbolical
representation of the past. In those cases, when Swabian villagers had ceased to count
themselves part of the ethnic community any more, and considered themselves Hungarian,
they could not absolve themselves in the feeling of common origin and of their deep-rooted
traditional values. Even these assimilated people held Swabian weddings. One of them
commented that he could only truly be amused at Swabian dances with Swabian music. This
phenomenon seems to be a justification for the conception of ethnic identity as given by birth
(Horowitz 1975) and characterized with primordial attachments (Geertz 1963).
In spite of the fact that group festivals with their own music and dances helped strengthen the
cohesion of the group, they could not maintain and support the concept of continuity. One of
the causes was that most of the traditional norms had been lost and those which were
remembered, are not practiced any more. Nowadays, only those traditions are alive and
represented which had been successfully been interwoven into the life of the younger
generations. However, these younger generations are continually getting involved in
intermarriages with Hungarian.
Conclusion
As seen, the generational differences play an important role in the habits of language use.
Leaving the original monolinguistic state, the first generation can be characterized by
bilingualism dominated by the mother tongue. As mastering Swabian, it was their first
language. The second generation is characterized partly by balanced bilingualism, partly by
bilingualism dominated by the second language. Originally, they learned Swabian and
Hungarian simultaneously at home. Coming up to schools Hungarian language became
privileged. The third generation can be characterized by bilingualism dominated by the
second language. Actually, this is a new monolingualism. They learnt Hungarian as their first
language. The Hungarian language was strengthened at the expense of Swabian by education,
by employment outside of the village, by social expectations, and self-assertion aspirations
playing played important roles in the life of the members of the second and the third
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