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DIPLOMACY ДИПЛОМАЦИЯ

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RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: THE CONTINUING POST-COLONIAL WESTERN...<br />

without the authorization of the Security Council (SC). 5 All these courses of action came to be<br />

called “humanitarian intervention” – referred to by some as “the right to intervene”. 6 In Kosovo,<br />

the International Community needed to establish a clearer code of conduct for humanitarian<br />

interventions, and also advocated for a greater reliance on non-military measures in order to<br />

respond and take proper action in such circumstances.<br />

It was then that the UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan brought the issue to the attention<br />

of the International Community in 2000. Kofi Annan along with the International Commission<br />

of Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), which was sponsored by the Canadian<br />

government, presented the report entitled “The Responsibility to Protect” to the UN General<br />

Assembly at the end of 2001. 7 The Commission made four main contributions to the relevant<br />

international debate.<br />

The first contribution, arguably the most important one, was to adopt a new way of talking<br />

about “humanitarian intervention”. The Commission suggested that the concept of the “right” to<br />

intervene needs to be changed to the “responsibility” 8 to protect the world’s population at grave<br />

risk. So there, the right became a responsibility.<br />

The second contribution was a new way of looking at the concept of “sovereignty”. As<br />

Kofi Annan’s initial solution suggested: “national sovereignty had to be weighed and balanced<br />

against individual sovereignty”. 9 Thus, with respect to the new focus on human rights and<br />

security, sovereignty was no longer absolute. Sovereignty now made the States responsible<br />

for the protection of their own citizens and also for the world’s population in case another<br />

State failed to fulfil its responsibility to protect people within its territory due to its inability or<br />

unwillingness to do so. Of course, the second responsibility can only be done through UN<br />

procedures. 10<br />

The third contribution was to make it very clear for Member States that responsibility<br />

to protect is no longer limited to military intervention. It rather embraces three specific<br />

responsibilities:<br />

A. The responsibility to prevent: to address both the root causes and direct causes of<br />

internal conflict and other man-made crises putting peoples at risk. 11<br />

B. The responsibility to react: to respond to situations of compelling human need with<br />

appropriate measures, which may include coercive measures like sanctions and international<br />

prosecution, and in extreme cases military intervention. 12<br />

C. The responsibility to rebuild: to provide, particularly after a military intervention, full<br />

assistance with recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation, addressing the causes of the harm<br />

the intervention was designed to halt or avert. 13<br />

It is said that the most important principle is to prevent, while the most controversial remains<br />

the principle of reaction – or the use of military force.<br />

The fourth contribution was to establish the principles of adequate conduct in the use of<br />

force within R2P. The problem in the gap between the legitimacy and the legality was hereby<br />

5 Ibid.<br />

6 Verdirame, Guglielmo. "The Law and Strategy of Humanitarian Intervention." The Law and Strategy of Humanitarian<br />

Intervention, Ejil: Talk 30 (2013).<br />

7 Ibid. pg. 708.<br />

8 Ibid.<br />

9 Ibid, pg. 709.<br />

10 Ibid.<br />

11 Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. "The Responsibility to Protect."<br />

(2001): 155-75. Pg. XI<br />

12 Ibid.<br />

13 Ibid.<br />

<strong>DIPLOMACY</strong> 18/2016<br />

203

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