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employment relations and health inequalities: a conceptual and empirical overvieW<br />

Fassa, & Kriebel, 2006; Fonchigong, 2005; Hernandez, Zetina, Tapia, Ortiz,<br />

& Soto, 1996; nilvarangkul et al., 2006; <strong>low</strong>enson, 1998; rongo, Barten,<br />

Msamanga, Heederick, & Dolmans, 2004; Iriart et al., 2006; Santana &<br />

loomis, 2004, Gutberlet & Baeder, 2008). Case studies, however, are a<br />

useful approach to illustrating and understanding the social conditions,<br />

working conditions, occupational hazards and health problems faced by<br />

many of these workers around the globe (see Case studies 22, 23 and 24).<br />

There are other, more insidious side effects of the informal economy.<br />

In addition to many who are informally employed, self-employed workers<br />

are often ineligible for wage-dependent social benefits and are rarely<br />

visible in official statistics. They do not have a formal job contract and there<br />

is no employer. In poor countries, most maintenance services, such as<br />

painting, cleaning services, and baby-sitting, are performed by informal<br />

labourers. Moreover, their income will vary according to their ability to find<br />

jobs, quality and type of service, and their social or health insurance<br />

depends on out-of-pocket payments. Because they are not associated with<br />

a firm, they are often marginalised as informal labourers (IlO, 2007).<br />

This lack of social security coverage is largely concentrated in the<br />

informal economies of poor countries, which are generally a larger<br />

source of employment for women than for men. Work in the informal<br />

economy is characterised by <strong>low</strong> levels of skill and productivity and<br />

<strong>low</strong> or irregular incomes. In some parts of the world, the growth of a<br />

"migration industry" comprising private recruitment agents,<br />

overseas employment promoters, human resource suppliers, and a<br />

host of other legal and illegal intermediaries, has caused a spike in<br />

female labour migration (IlO, 2003a; 2003b).<br />

according to the IlO, the global assessment of the informal<br />

economy can be made using two main types of indicators: "vulnerable<br />

employment", a global but indirect measure of informal employment,<br />

and "employment in the informal economy", a partial but more direct<br />

measure. Vulnerable employment is a new indicator that estimates the<br />

sum of own-account workers and contributing family workers as a<br />

share of total employment. Since these two groups of workers are less<br />

likely to have formal work arrangements, this indicator may help to<br />

assess the informalisation of labour markets (IlO, 2008). Globally, it is<br />

estimated that in 2007 five out of ten people who worked were either<br />

contributing family workers or own-account workers. not even half of<br />

all those employed enjoy the possible security that wage and salaried<br />

jobs could provide (IlO, 2008).<br />

Employment in the informal economy is defined as a percentage of<br />

total employment (i.e., the ratio of the number of persons employed in<br />

the informal economy to the total of employed persons). The<br />

information available shows wide variations in definitions and<br />

"This body is my only asset. on days i<br />

work, i earn. when i am sick, i cannot earn.<br />

my fire stays cold those days. There is no<br />

other body, no other asset to fall back<br />

on..."<br />

source: Kantibehn, an agricultural laborer,<br />

India. in rose, K. (1992). Where women are<br />

leaders: The SEWA movement in<br />

India. london: Zed books.<br />

163

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