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epilogue: the econoMic crisis<br />

all of which are likely to affect migrant workers due to their weaker<br />

bargaining power. fourthly, newly arrived migrants or precarious<br />

migrant workers are not eligible for many social benefits and<br />

therefore are likely to risk particular hardship upon loss of<br />

employment. fifthly, there are growing instances of discrimination<br />

and xenophobia against migrant workers, who are mistakenly<br />

perceived as “stealing” local workers’ jobs, particularly in <strong>low</strong>skilled<br />

sectors of the labour market. sixthly, there is an increase in<br />

the return of unemployed migrants to their countries of origin,<br />

where they are also likely to face high unemployment and poverty,<br />

constituting a potentially disruptive element to economic and social<br />

stability at home. There has been a significant reversal of ruralurban<br />

internal migration in countries like china, where millions of<br />

migrants have returned to their villages because of lay-offs in the<br />

manufacturing sector in urban centres resulting from the steep fall<br />

in export demand. finally, the crisis is expected to impact male and<br />

female migrant workers differently, especially in affected sectors of<br />

the economy dominated by one gender (such as construction, in<br />

which men predominate, and manufacturing, of which one example<br />

is the textile industry, in which women are overrepresented). Job<br />

losses and worse working conditions for migrants are likely to<br />

disproportionately impact migrant women, who are overrepresented<br />

in the informal, <strong>low</strong>-skilled and unregulated sectors of<br />

the economy (e.g., domestic work and care work). for women, return<br />

could mean losing economic independence and, for families, a<br />

reduction in income due to the end of remittances.<br />

fifth, it is also likely that, as is already the case with the<br />

environmental crisis and climate change, the very same businesses<br />

and associated interest groups and lobbyists that brought about this<br />

debacle will argue that the health inequalities related to<br />

employment conditions and other social determinants of health<br />

cannot be addressed until the global economic crisis is resolved. in<br />

a similar vein, the same neo-liberal interest groups (and neo-liberal<br />

agencies like the World Trade organization (WTo) and the oecD) are<br />

now arguing that maintaining and, indeed, extending “labour market<br />

flexibility” (a euphemism for precarious employment) is essential to<br />

“saving” jobs and re-initiating economic growth. Thus, contrary to<br />

any careful assessment of the evidence, a critical part of the problem<br />

is redefined as the solution.<br />

sixth, the contention that we cannot afford to deal with health<br />

inequalities in the present climate, though it will undoubtedly exert<br />

significant pressure on governments, represents not only a morally<br />

bankrupt position (why should those whose health has been<br />

workers at the top of a skyscraper on a<br />

construction site employing internal<br />

migrant workers from the countryside.<br />

Beijing (China).<br />

source: © ilo/M. crozet (2007)<br />

361

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