Employmentweb_low

EmploymEnt, Work, And hEAlth InEquAlItIEs - a global perspective
but internal conditions in the philippines are not the only factor responsible for its high rate of migration. worldwide,
differences between wealthy and poor countries have grown and wage differentials between countries are still huge. a Filipina
domestic worker in hong Kong can earn over 15 times the amount she could earn at home as a teacher (ehrenreich & russell
hochschild, 2002). also, the dependence of poor countries on loans from the iMF and the world bank means those countries
must adopt structural adjustment programs, which often lead to a reduction in social, “non-competitive” services, with
negative consequences for the poor (ehrenreich & russell hochschild, 2002). at the receiving end of migration, the increased
presence of women in the labour force in rich countries means that many of them are unable to manage their homes and
care for dependents on their own. the help they need has not typically come from their male partners, nor have most
governments in wealthy countries adjusted social policies to accommodate the new realities of women in the labour market.
as such, “women’s work” in these wealthy countries is frequently transferred to women from poorer countries. this is one of
the biggest reasons why Filipina domestic workers are currently employed in more than 100 countries (salazar parreñas,
2000). it is also important to note that women migrants from the philippines, or from other low-income countries, are seldom
the least-affluent or least-educated in their home countries (ehrenreich & russell hochschild, 2002).
because domestic workers work in private environments, generally out of the public eye, they can be particularly vulnerable
to abuses by employers or employment agencies. long working hours, few days off, excessive control of their physical
appearance, low or withheld pay and even physical, psychological or sexual abuse have been reported (constable, 2002).
one of the biggest barriers to better regulation of the household worker sector is that many governments classify such
work as “informal.” Frequently, domestic workers are completely excluded from labour laws, or existing laws are weak and
poorly implemented. this means that employers have almost free reign to demand hard work in often very poor employment
and working conditions (human rights watch, 2006). this, combined with the invisibility described earlier, makes for an
extremely vulnerable group of workers.
the situation of these workers becomes more complex when their place in the philippine economy is considered.
remittances, mostly from migrant domestic workers, constitute the economy’s largest source of foreign currency (salazar
parreñas, 2002). it is estimated that anywhere from 34-54 per cent of Filipina families live on money sent from workers
abroad (ehrenreich & russell hochschild, 2002). globally, remittances are sometimes seen as a solution to the problems
of poor countries (deparle, 2007).
given that tighter regulation would impact family, local and national economies, there is at least strong inertia on the part of
supply-side governments to maintain the status quo of domestic workers abroad. wealthy receiving countries also benefit from this
labour, which allows women to contribute to the economies in their adopted countries through paid work. but within this network
of economic and development gains, it is clear that we need to draw more attention to the needs of migrant domestic workers.
References
constable, n. (2002). sexuality and discipline among Filipina domestic workers in hong Kong. in F. Jr. aguilar (ed.), Filipinos
in global migrations: At home in the world (pp. 237-268). quezon city: philippine Migration research network and the
philippine social science council.
deparle, J. (2007, april 22). a good provider is one who leaves. The New York Times. retrieved september 9, 2009, from
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/04/22/magazine/22workers.t.htmlref=asia
ehrenreich, b., & russell hochschild, a. (2002). Global woman: Nannies, maids and sex workers in the new economy. new york:
owl books, henry holt and company.
human rights watch. (2006). Swept under the rug: Abuses against domestic workers around the world. retrieved september
9, 2009, from http://www.humantrafficking.org/uploads/publications/wrd0706webwcover.pdf
salazar parreñas, r. (2002). Migrant Filipina domestic workers and the international division of reproductive labour. Gender
and Society, 14, 560-580.
sana, e. a. (2007). Philippine overseas employment administration. presentation to the asian domestic workers assembly.
pasig city, phillipines, June 16-17.
Case study 52. Sweatshop crucifixes made in China. - charles Kernaghan, barbara briggs, Jonathan giammarco and
alexandra hallock
First it was toys, then clothing and sneakers, sporting goods, furniture, and now crucifixes. crucifixes are being made
at the Junxingye Factory in dongguan, china, by mostly young women—some just 15 and 16 years old.
they are forced to work 14- to 15 and-a-half-hour shifts, from 8 a.M. to 10 or 11:30 p.M., seven days a week. there are
also frequent 17- to 18-hour shifts ending at 1 or 2 a.M. and even monthly, all-night 22-and-a-half to 25-hour shifts when
shipments are scheduled to leave for the us. overtime is mandatory and anyone missing even a single overtime shift will
be docked a full day’s wages. workers are routinely at the factory over 100 hours a week, sometime forced to work 51 hours
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