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eMployMent relations and health inequalities: pathways and MechanisMs<br />

pressure and job autonomy. furthermore, in a study conducted in<br />

london, no differences in physical and mental health, assessed through<br />

depression, anxiety and visits to a general practitioner over a one year<br />

period, were found for self-employed workers (Pars<strong>low</strong>, Jorm,<br />

christensen, Jacomb, & rogers, 2004). other reported psychosocial<br />

stressors in informal workplaces are violence, sexual abuse (oliveira,<br />

2006) and discrimination (iriart et al., 2006), which have been reported<br />

for female domestic workers (oliveira, 2006; sales & santana, 2003)<br />

and construction workers (iriart et al., 2006). Most women engaged in<br />

weaving with informal jobs in Thailand reported stress as a result of<br />

pressures to maintain the quality of products, the tight time schedule<br />

and monetary debts related to their jobs (nilvarangkul et al., 2006). in<br />

south africa, approximately 25 per cent of women street vendors<br />

reported an experience of abuse, either physical or verbal, and 29 per<br />

cent reported having been robbed at work (Pick, ross, & dada, 2002).<br />

one explanation for these inconsistencies is that the category of “selfemployed”<br />

is very heterogeneous in wealthy countries such as the us,<br />

where it captures both professionals and <strong>low</strong>-skilled workers<br />

(Muntaner, hadden, & Kravets, 2004). however, it must be reiterated<br />

that, even in wealthy countries, self-employment status implies selfresponsibility<br />

for safety precautions, which in the context of manual<br />

jobs can result in <strong>low</strong>er compliance and higher risk of occupational<br />

injuries and diseases (Mirabelli et al., 2007). currently, in the us the<br />

injury rate among self-employed workers is double the national<br />

average (cummings & Kreiss, 2008).<br />

informal jobs have also been examined in terms of nutritionrelated<br />

outcomes. Though poverty is correlated with poor nutrition,<br />

the relationship becomes more complex when employment status is<br />

taken into account. for instance, data from the cebu longitudinal<br />

study from the Philippines showed that <strong>low</strong>-income women in<br />

informal jobs consumed more calories, protein and iron through<br />

commercial sources than those in the informal economy’s upper<br />

income group. also, lactating women were more often engaged in<br />

breastfeeding when in the informal economy (Bisgrove & Popkin,<br />

1996). however, hernández et al. (1996) analysed street vendor<br />

mothers from Mexico city to identify health outcomes related to<br />

child care practices. Because access to child care was limited,<br />

women left their children at home, usually under the supervision of<br />

other older children, or they brought them to their workplaces.<br />

Without adequate supervision, children who stayed in their mothers’<br />

workplaces had an increased proportion of gastrointestinal diseases<br />

and injuries than the corresponding prevalence estimated for the<br />

overall population.<br />

239

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