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an historical perspective on labour MarKets<br />

time employment among men. Meanwhile, working women mostly held<br />

“feminised” job positions which were marginalised from this negotiation<br />

process.<br />

Public spending not only improved the skills of the labour force<br />

through educational policies but also provided the out-of-work population<br />

(the unemployed and pensioners) with benefits and some purchasing<br />

power, which stimulated consumption and production, thus conferring<br />

political legitimacy to the Mid-Century Compromise. The situation of<br />

unemployed women and female pensioners was quite different than that<br />

of men, since social provisions and even access to rights of citizenship<br />

were based on the “male breadwinner” model, which situates men as the<br />

source of social provisions for their spouses.<br />

The family unit also played a critical role in production relations during<br />

this period. The relationship between employment and social protection<br />

reinforced a family model centred on the male breadwinner. In other<br />

words, while it was certainly not the first time in history, this period saw a<br />

normalisation of the "model in which the husband is the sole agent<br />

operating within the market sector, deploying his labour in order to secure<br />

the funds necessary to support a dependent wife and children. In<br />

exchange, the wife assumes responsibility for the unpaid labour required<br />

for the everyday reproduction of her husband’s work, such as cooking,<br />

cleaning, and laundering" (Janssens, 1997). This is important because in<br />

many respects, the labour market was dominated by workers both<br />

demanding and receiving a wage that was sufficient to support the entire<br />

family. As the overlapping interests of organised labour and the controllers<br />

of capital began to diverge, labour market wage levels began to fall.<br />

By 1973, even before the Arab-Israeli War and the Organization of the<br />

Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) oil embargo, the Bretton Woods system<br />

that had regulated international economic relations had dissolved and there<br />

were many signs of a serious crisis of capital accumulation (Harvey, 2006). The<br />

oil crises of 1973-74 and 1978-79 sparked a period of economic adjustment that<br />

realigned dominant economic and political interests, challenging the trends of<br />

steady economic growth and abundant stable employment. The decline in real<br />

growth rates of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the increase in public<br />

deficit and inflation, together with a s<strong>low</strong>down in productivity and profits and an<br />

increase in unemployment, gave way to a period of economic uncertainty that<br />

transformed the socio-economic order which had prevailed since the Mid-<br />

Century Compromise. During the 1980s a strong neo-liberal ideological<br />

offensive challenged the views and legitimacy upon which welfare states had<br />

previously developed and labour markets were subjected to regulatory reforms.<br />

These social changes produced the so-called "Washington Consensus" of the<br />

mid 1990s (Fine, 2001; Harvey, 2006) (see Section 9.2. Macro policies and health:<br />

a historical perspective).<br />

39

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