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eMployMent relations and health inequalities: pathways and MechanisMs “so where are you from, in the states” he asked. i told him i’m from houston. “ah, texas,” he replied, which surprised me. Most folks i’ve encountered abroad (native, tourist, or immigrant) usually ask what state that’s in, after making sure they’ve said, “houston, we have a problem,” in whatever language. i asked him where he was from, which is dakar, and his name, which is Kulu. i found out that he had only been in spain a couple of months and had been working the wine harvest in various towns over the previous three weeks. he also told me that he would never have dreamed he’d be stuck in agricultural work, that he’s a carpenter by trade but that there’s simply much more money in this work here than back home. after discovering that i was eager to practice my rusty French, Kulu spoke to me in a potpourri of three languages that were not his native tongue. his proficiency in each was stunning, but especially so in spanish, given the extremely short amount of time in which he had picked it up. over the course of about four hours, i learned that we were exactly the same age at the time (24), felt equally out of place in a rural setting (although his cosmopolitan clothes, the same brands as the ones i didn’t want to dirty, were caked in mud and grape juice), and were equally passionate fans of many of the same hiphop artists. this last similarity was what we talked about the most, since he was surprised at the fact that i knew of several mainstream senegalese rappers and because akon, a superstar in the united states based in atlanta, is senegalese. Kulu then introduced me to samba, another senegalese man who was working a vine near the two of us. samba did not speak english, so we communicated in a mix of (my) broken French and (his) spanish peppered with catalan words. it’s this last language that led me to believe he lived in catalonia, so i was surprised to find that he actually lives in cantabria. when i asked him where in senegal he was from, he just laughed and said, “don’t worry, you don’t know. even senegalese people don’t know!” Kulu clarified that samba is from a small town. “do you like akon” samba asked me. the owner’s wife approached us carrying two large buckets overf<strong>low</strong>ing with grapes and a large bottle of water. she told us to drink up, which i did, but most of the african and all the pakistani workers refused. thanks, but it’s ramadan, they explained. samba smiled and took the buckets from her hands and emptied them into the flatbed of the truck. “Muchas gracias,” she said, to which he replied, “sí, sí. de nada.” “yes, yes, always you’re welcome,” taunted another worker in a mix of French and spanish. he was standing, smoking a cigarette, just as he had been every twenty minutes or so throughout the day. samba ignored his comments with a knowing grin and a slight shake of his head. through my short conversations with the man, i learned that he is from cameroon and despises agricultural work. despite having introduced myself by name, he would only refer to me as “cher”, an affectionate French term, like “my love”, which also happens to mean “expensive”. however, i could not tell from his tone whether this term was being used ironically or casually, and i never learned his name. Conclusion while it is clear that there is useful, quantifiable information missing from the reflection above, the fact that the workers’ documentation status and employment contract type cannot be inferred speaks volumes about the unequal power relations, precariousness, lack of representation, and discrimination faced by migrant workers in spain. one needs only contrast Kulu’s case with my own to see that we live in vastly different realities, despite sharing several interests and key demographic characteristics (age, immigrant status, urban origin, fluency or a working knowledge of multiple languages). thus, because it constitutes a process driven by globalisation (and all of the complexities this phenomenon implies), it is important that rigorous analyses of the experiences of migrant workers work to overcome the limits of scientific reduction by combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. Reference instituto nacional de estadística. (2008). Avance del Padrón Municipal a 1 de enero 2008. Datos provisionales. retrieved June 20, 2008, from http://www.ine.es/prensa/np503.pdf 287
young Bolivian miners working in the Cerro rico in potosi (Bolivia). thousands of miners still suffer fatal injuries due to accidents, diseases such as tuberculosis and silicosis from exposure to dust and mineral particles, deafness by the noise of explosions and machines, and muscle aches because of spending long hours in uncomfortable positions. their life expectancy at birth is estimated at about 45 years. source: Joan benach (2010)
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EmploymEnt, Work and HEaltH InEqual
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CORE GROUP* Carlos H. Alvarado, Fra
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EMplOyMENt, wOrk, aNd hEalth iNEQua
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EMploYMEnt, work, And hEAlth inEquA
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A Bozo fisherman at the break of da
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A group of women carrying cotton af
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the adobe house construction has be
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Labour markets and welfare states:
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labour Markets and welfare states:
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Employment relations and health ine
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policies and interventions precario
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policies and interventions could es
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policies and interventions case stu
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policies and interventions home-bas
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policies and interventions 9.6. ass
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policies and interventions along wi
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Epilogue: the economic crisis 10
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis this
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis all o
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis and t
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis group
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis Case
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis group
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis feedi
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis short
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis commu
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epilogue: the econoMic crisis Refer
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Conclusions & recommendations 11 "I
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conclusions and recommendations sho
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conclusions and recommendations The
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conclusions and recommendations Eff
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conclusions and recommendations •
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Appendix
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AppeNdIx recommendation no. 190 and
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AppeNdIx employment conditions. emp
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AppeNdIx Forced labour. Although th
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AppeNdIx Job discrimination. this t
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AppeNdIx in: muntaner, c., Benach,
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AppeNdIx in: Bartley, m., & Ferrie,
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AppeNdIx work intensification. work
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AppeNdIx Bank's Atlas method (adjus
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AppeNdIx table a2. descriptive stat
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AppeNdIx table a3. labour market fa
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AppeNdIx CorE sEmi-pEriphEry pEriph
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AppeNdIx Country clusters table A5
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AppeNdIx semi-peripheral countries
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AppeNdIx Figure a6. Health indicato
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RefeRences RefeRences 1. IntroductI
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arrangements and precariousness in
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International Labour Organization.
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Benach (Eds.), Desigualtats en salu
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Instituto Nacional de Estadística
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desde América Latina y el Caribe.
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Woldehanna, T., Guta, F., & Ferede,
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unemployment Chan, W. S., Yip, P. S
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International Labour Organization.
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Clarke, S., Sloane, D., & Aiken, L.
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among residents in the Trent region
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Sales, E. C., & Santana, V. S. (200
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Parent-Thirion, A., Fernandez, M. E
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Unemployment and mental health: Und
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Tytherleigh, M. Y., Jacobs, P. A.,
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Chilcoat, E. (2008). Pinkie promise
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Africa. Perspective of Global Devel
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freight transport and distribution
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Índex LIST OF FIGURES 2. Fair empl
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Table A5. Country clusters by labou
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Case study 43. Sexual orientation,
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acronyms and abrevIatures AIDS - Ac
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autHors and contrIbutors CORE GROUP
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Maria da Graça Luderitz Hoefel. Ho
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Maria da Graça Luderitz Hoefel. Ho
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INSTITUTIONS AND ASSOCIATIONS THAT
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