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eMployMent relations and health inequalities: pathways and MechanisMs<br />

selected scientific findings<br />

Whitehall II article describing employment grade inequalities in health and their determinants<br />

the whitehall study of british civil servants, begun in 1967, showed a steep inverse association between social<br />

class (as assessed by grade of employment) and mortality from a wide range of diseases. between 1985 and 1988, we<br />

investigated the degree and causes of the social gradient in morbidity in a new cohort of 10,314 civil servants (6900 men,<br />

3414 women) aged 35-55 (the whitehall ii study). participants were asked to complete a self-administered questionnaire<br />

and attend a screening examination. in the 20 years separating the two studies there has been no decrease in social<br />

class-based differences in morbidity: we found an inverse association between employment grade and prevalence of<br />

angina, electrocardiogram evidence of ischemia, and symptoms of chronic bronchitis. self-perceived health status and<br />

symptoms were worse in subjects in <strong>low</strong>er status jobs. there were clear employment-grade differences in health-risk<br />

behaviours including smoking, diet and exercise, as well as in economic circumstances, possible effects of early-life<br />

environment as reflected by height, social circumstances at work (e.g., monotonous work characterised by <strong>low</strong> control<br />

and <strong>low</strong> satisfaction) and in social supports. More attention should be paid to the social environments, job design and<br />

consequences of income inequality.<br />

Source<br />

Marmot, M. g., smith, g. d., stansfeld, s., patel, c., north, F., head, J., et al. (1991). health inequalities among british<br />

civil servants: the whitehall ii study. The Lancet, 337(8754), 1387-1393.<br />

Class and gender inequalities in wages and working conditions for full-time employees<br />

work shapes health inequalities via several pathways, including hazards in the workplace as well as economic<br />

resources derived from work.<br />

income has been repeatedly associated with measures of health and disease. a recent analysis of the 1980-83 and<br />

1991 editions of the national living conditions survey in the netherlands shows a clear and steep gradient in mean<br />

annual net income by occupational social class among full-time workers. within occupational groups, a gender pay gap<br />

also exists, with women being paid less on average than men. For instance, in 1991, among men, higher employees had<br />

a mean annual income of 22,034 euros; intermediate employees, 17,080; <strong>low</strong>er employees, 14,637; and <strong>low</strong>est rank<br />

employees, 12,781. among women, mean incomes for those categories were 16,914 euros, 13,670 euros, 11,567 euros,<br />

and 10,490 euros, respectively. a european review on the gender pay gap finds inequality in all the countries studied,<br />

with women’s earnings ranging between 64 per cent and 86 per cent of men’s, with a generally s<strong>low</strong> trend towards<br />

narrowing the gap.<br />

physical and psychosocial risks at work are also unequally distributed according to socioeconomic status. in the<br />

2000 edition of the cited dutch survey, labourers clearly had the worst physical working conditions, measured with a<br />

scale integrating several hazards. For these workers, scores were 4.21 for men and 2.56 for women, compared to 1.32<br />

and 1.29 among <strong>low</strong>er employees or 0.86 and 0.50 for higher employees. the gradient in physical exposures within<br />

employees is present but narrow. on the other hand, it is steeper for a psychosocial risk such as skill discretion. Figures<br />

for europe are available for different occupational groupings: legislators and managers, professionals, technicians,<br />

clerks, service and sales workers, agricultural workers, craft-related trade workers, plant and machine operators,<br />

elementary occupations and armed forces. professionals have the <strong>low</strong>est prevalence of monotonous tasks and one of<br />

the <strong>low</strong>est of physical and ergonomic hazards, as well as the highest frequency of “learning new things”. on the other<br />

extreme lie those working in elementary occupations (in terms of psychosocial risks); craft workers (in terms of<br />

physical risk such as noise and dust); and agricultural workers (in terms of painful positions and heavy loads, repetitive<br />

movements and continuous high speed).<br />

Sources<br />

houtman, i., & evers, M. (2007). the netherlands. in i. lundberg, t. hemmingsson, & c. hogstedt (eds.), Work and Social<br />

Inequalities in Health in Europe. brussels: p.i.e. peter lang.<br />

paoli. p., & Merllié, d. (2001). Third European survey on working conditions 2000. luxembourg: office for official publications<br />

of the european communities.<br />

soumeli, e., & nergaard, K. (2002). Gender pay equity in Europe. dublin: european Foundation for the improvement of living<br />

and working conditions.<br />

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