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EmpLoymEnT, work, And HEALTH inEquALiTiES - a global perspective<br />
Case study 30. The working poor selling their organs to survive. - Joan benach and hani serag<br />
over the past three decades, organ transplantation has developed from being an experimental procedure performed only in<br />
a few advanced medical centres to being a common treatment carried out in many hospitals throughout the world including<br />
many south american, middle eastern and african countries. survival rates have increased markedly over the past decade, and<br />
in many countries there is now a high demand for organ transplants. For example, in 2005 in the european union, only 57.5 per<br />
cent of organ needs were covered, and in the united Kingdom and the united states, more than 6,000 and 70,000 patients,<br />
respectively, were on the waiting list for kidneys. even though buying and selling organs is illegal in most countries, the<br />
circulation of body parts transcends national boundaries, and there is a flourishing black market of human organs worldwide.<br />
in general, the limited information available shows that the f<strong>low</strong> of living-donor organs (mostly kidneys) fol<strong>low</strong>s an unequal<br />
distribution that goes from south to north, poor to rich, black to white, and female to male.<br />
the procedures to obtain organs vary. in Japan, for example, patients have for many years used intermediaries with<br />
connections to organised crime, the "body mafia", to locate paid kidney donors in other countries. in other cases, wealthy patients<br />
use internet sites on which people post organs for sale, or travel great distances to other countries to secure a transplant.<br />
it seems that egypt has turned into a regional hub for the human organ trade. While there are no official statistics, in a<br />
country where social inequality and poverty are very high, more and more impoverished working or unemployed egyptians<br />
are selling their organs. organ-selling in egypt evolved into an organised business in 1987, eleven years after egypt's first<br />
kidney transplant. the doctors’ union banned live-donor transplants from egyptians to foreigners in 1987 and prohibited<br />
newspaper advertisements in which kidneys were sought. nevertheless, as the scars on the sides of many egyptians in<br />
impoverished cairo neighbourhoods testify, dealers in kidneys and other organs have found a safe and lucrative customer<br />
stream. as the head of an egyptian doctors' union pointed out, "a saudi patient can pay up to us $80,000, split between the<br />
doctor, the donor and the go-between [...] a Jordanian or a saudi who needs a transplant comes to egypt accompanied by<br />
a relative as an official cover and then looks for an egyptian or a sudanese who is ready to sell his organ" (bassoul, 2006).<br />
in an interview with the daily Al-Masri Al-Yom, three egyptians explained that the price for seeking better-paid jobs in the<br />
gulf was a kidney. asked to undergo a medical examination beforehand, the doctor then "discovered" they were all suffering<br />
from a kidney infection requiring immediate surgery. they woke up later in a hospital with a missing kidney, and a few days<br />
later the health ministry caught a trafficker red-handed as he was selling a kidney to a saudi citizen for us$3,500.<br />
While in the u.s. and the european union selling organs is a crime that can incur high fines and even jail, in egypt the lack of<br />
proper legislation feeds a booming black market. in the philippines, many people have sold kidneys and other organs to rich<br />
Westerners seeking transplants. despite the lack of reliable data, it seems that the trafficking of human organs is one of the fastest<br />
growing illicit trades in the country. a study by the university of the philippines revealed that about 3,000 people in one slum area<br />
near manila sold a kidney for prices ranging from us$1,400 to us $2,500 (cullen, 2007). although human organ trafficking is illegal<br />
in the philippines, the voluntary donation of an organ is not. the availability and willingness of many working poor to sell their organs<br />
is a marker of their vulnerability. they sell them because they have nothing else to sell to survive. in fact, many are so weak and<br />
malnourished that they can die within months of the removal, unless they get advanced medical care. While in the philippines about<br />
6,000 people are suitable kidney transplant candidates, only 5 per cent actually receive transplants because of an insufficient organ<br />
supply and the unaffordability of the operative procedure for most patients (aguilar & siruno, 2004).<br />
References<br />
aguilar, F., & siruno, l. (2004). A community without kidney: a tragedy Analysis of the moral and ethical aspects of kidney organ donation.<br />
philippines: university of philippines.<br />
bassoul, J.(2006). egypt's illegal organ trade thrives on poverty. Amnesty International Bulletin, 9, 8-13.<br />
cullen, s. (2007, February 25). sinful exploitation. The Manila Times.<br />
Case study 31. The 21st century "Jungle": Taylorist work organisation and health inequalities in a Spanish<br />
slaughterhouse. - salvador moncada i lluís, clara llorens serrano and teresa castellà gardenyes<br />
hazardous working conditions are unequally distributed among populations and have been identified as a major cause<br />
of health inequalities. research on the social class, gender, age, and ethnic segregation of workplaces, unemployment,<br />
downsizing and precarious employment, for example, have provided good evidence of such a negative impact. hazardous<br />
working conditions, however, contribute not only to generating but also magnifying existing health inequalities among<br />
populations by pushing workers who are injured or sick from previous exposures away from employment, towards hazardous<br />
working conditions. in this way, working class people are more frequently ill than middle or upper-middle class workers. the<br />
contemporary spanish slaughterhouse provides a glaring example of how such health inequalities are tied to the workplace.<br />
the table be<strong>low</strong> shows the percentages of workers by tertile of self-perceived general health (<strong>low</strong>, medium and high,<br />
measured using the spanish version of sF-36), by age group, of the working men and women of a spanish slaughterhouse,<br />
as well as the same information for a control group: a spanish working population from a population-based representative<br />
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