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EMploYMEnt, work, And hEAlth inEquAlitiEs - a global perspective<br />

woman working in a saharawi textile<br />

cooperative.<br />

source: antonio rosa (2005)<br />

levels of wealth, cultural resources, political power, and decisionmaking<br />

in economic and social affairs (Social Watch, 2008). It influences<br />

responsibilities, benefits and vulnerability, and conditions the types of<br />

workplace exposure with their consequent health impact and health<br />

inequalities (World Health Organization [WHO], 2006).<br />

Women - relative to men - have been restricted in their access to<br />

jobs. In many regions of the world women are still self-employed,<br />

work in the informal sector of the economy or in the domestic<br />

sphere, and usually take primary responsibility for family wellbeing<br />

(Cedeno & Barten, 2002; Lyenda, 2001; Messing & Elabidi, 2003).<br />

Work is often "invisible" or carried out under bad, hazardous<br />

working conditions. It often entails no direct payment and is<br />

excluded from social protection (Acevedo, 2002; Social Watch,<br />

2007). From 1960 onwards, and in particular over the last three<br />

decades, women have reportedly increased their participation in<br />

the world of remunerated employment (Social Watch, 2008; United<br />

Nations Research Institute for Social Development [UNRISD],<br />

2005; Wamala & Kawachi, 2007; World Bank [WB], 2001).<br />

It is worthwhile to note that these employment gains are often<br />

precarious and have occurred in a context of neoliberal policy,<br />

structural adjustment, increased migration and overall reduced<br />

social protection (Arroyo Aguilar, Ynonan, & Yupanqui, 2005; Cedeno<br />

& Barten, 2002). Also, the organisation of paid labour, equipment,<br />

tools and spaces have historically been designed for men, and<br />

occupational health and safety standards have often been developed<br />

using male models (Chatigny, Seifert, & Messing, 1995; WHO, 2006).<br />

To some extent, these expanded employment opportunities have<br />

contributed to enhancing women's economic autonomy (Arroyo<br />

Aguilar et al., 2005; Wamala & Kawachi, 2007). Economic migration<br />

from <strong>low</strong>-income to high-income countries may enhance women's<br />

earning power, but it often increases exposure to exploitation and<br />

discrimination, and has negative implications for their family-life<br />

(Ehrenreich & Hochschild, 2003). Increased participation in the<br />

labour market has not implied an elimination of the wide pay gap, as<br />

women continue to earn considerably less than men (Social Watch,<br />

2007). Currently, women's wage and job discrimination - relative to<br />

men- is a “comparative advantage” and has made them, in many<br />

countries, an attractive source of labour for many foreign firms<br />

because of their <strong>low</strong>er wages (Fontana, Joekes, & Masika, 1998).<br />

Also, women continue to fill <strong>low</strong>er hierarchical positions than men<br />

and this gendered division of labour is found within the domestic<br />

sphere as well as in paid employment (Acevedo, 2002; Valls-Llobet,<br />

Borrás, Doyal, & Torns, 1999).<br />

16

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