The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A derogatory suffix –q# exists that is used only with the nouns for ‘boy’ and ‘girl’, with the semantics of ‘damn’ or ‘pesky’ (in Spanish pinche). This suffix does not affect stress. 24) Derogatory derivation examples qawáac%a& ‘boy’ qawáac%aqs" ‘damn boy’ tsumuxáati& ‘girl’ tsumuxáataqs% ‘pesky girl’ 3.3.9 Non-verbal elements and clitics. Both proclitics and enclitics attach to all word classes in FM Totonac, most of them the same as verbal clitics discussed in Chapter 5. They fall into the categories of negation/negative polarity items, aspectual adverbials, and a category of other adverbials. 3.3.9.1 Negation and negative polarity clitics. Negative "aa= ‘no’ and the negative polarity proclitics "aa=a"= not yet; "aa=naa= ‘still not’, and any of the negative intensifiers tuu=, tii=, *aa= and $ii= may attach to nouns, pronouns, adjectives, adverbs and numbers. 25) Negation and negative polarity examples "aa=wis%inán ‘not you pl.’ "aa=s%a-tsée ‘the bad (not good) one’ "aa=c%is%kú’u& ‘(he is) not a man’ "aa=a"=puskáati& ‘(she is) not a girl anymore' "aa=nah=tsíkan ‘(she is) not yet old’ "aa=puu"máan in c%úc%uti& ‘the water is not deep’ "aa=tuu=sóoqe ‘not at all early’ "aa=too-‘aqtim in tac%iiwín ‘there is not even one word’ (7,75 jsf) 3.3.9.2 Aspectual clitics. The aspectual enclitics =ts’! ‘already’ and =kú’u" ‘just; still’ may also attach to words of almost any class (I have no examples with adverbs). By regular rule, the glottalization found in the citation forms is lost in connected speech. Pre-clitic aspiration is also shown in these examples. ! ,,!
26) prépah=tsa s%a-k-‘án high.school=ALREADY PAST-1SUB-go ‘I was already going to high school’ 27) c%is%kúh=ts’a& man=ALREADY ‘He’s already a man.’ 28) c%inc%oo k-universidah=ts’a& kqa"tawaqá-ma now LOC-university=ALREADY 1SUB-study-PROG ‘Now I’m already studying at the university’ 29) maqáan=ts’a& old-ALREADY ‘(s/he is) already old’ 30) s%a-sqatah=kú’u& ADJ-baby=STILL ‘(it is) still unripe’ 31) maqkáw=tsa k-la-" k-c%úc%uti& ten=YA 1SUB-live-PFTV LOC-water ‘I already went to the water ten times’ 32) ’aqtim=kú’u& one=STILL ‘barely one’ 3.3.9.3 Other clitics. Two other proclitics, maya=, meaning ‘nothing but’ and laa=, ‘meaning ‘like’, may attach only to nouns. 33) maya=s%a-tsitséqe& nothing.but=ADJ-black ‘nothing but black ones’ ! ,-!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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