The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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One of my consultants perceived a semantic difference in the ordering of the dative and the ambulative that no other speakers reported: in certain root-affix combinations, with ambulative – tii"a in its standard order outside the dative, he read –tii"a in its concrete meaning of action while walking along (example 23), and when the ambulative preceded the dative, he interpreted the former in its metaphorical or aspectual sense of an action done intermittently over a period of time (example 24) (see §5.3.2.4). I was unable to determine the factors on which the variation depended. The possibility of non-scopal, semantically-linked variation in affix order merits further study. 22) s%ta’aktlawaniimíi /s"-ta-ak-tlawa-nii-mii-aa/ PAST-3SUB.pl-HEAD-do-DAT-DOWN-IMPF s%ta’aktlawamiiníi /s"-ta-ak-tlawa-mii-nii-aa/ PAST-3SUB.pl-HEAD-do-DOWN-DAT-IMPF ‘they were exploiting him for him’ (7,12 jsf) 23) nakkaapuutleqeeniitii"á /na-k-kaa-puutleqee-nii-tii"a-aa/ FUT-1SUB-OBJ.pl-count-DAT-AMB-IMPF nakkaapuutleqeetii"aníi /na-k-kaa-puutleqee-tii"a-nii-aa/ FUT-1SUB-OBJ.pl-count-AMB-DAT-IMPF ‘I’m going to go along counting them (cattle) for him’ (9,8 mjl & 9,11 jsf) 24) tanqsnoqniitii"á /tan-snoq-nii-tii"a-aa/ REAR-whip-DAT-AMB-IMPF ‘he was going along rear-whipping (someone’s horse)’ (7,6 jsf) tanqsnoqtii"aníi /tan-snoq-tii"a-nii-aa/ REAR-whip-AMB-DAT-IMPF ‘he was intermittently rear-whipping (someone’s horse)’ (7,6 jsf) ! #",!
6.2.4.2 Variable order and suffix position 6. Occupying suffix position 6, roughly in the center of a string of derivational slots, are the progressive aspect markers. (The markers of the three other major aspects are found on the right periphery among other inflectional suffixes.) The progressive aspect markers cannot appear inside any of the more inner suffixes. This inability to move rootward, which I define as fixed order, groups them with most other inflectional affixes, in spite of their occurrence in the midst of variable order derivational suffixes. It will be seen in §6.2.4.3 that one outer affix, totalitive –qo’o, may occur rootward of progressive -maa. 6.2.4.3 Variable order and suffix positions 7 and 8. While I have no attested cases of the iterative (7) or the desiderative (8) preceding the adjacent progressive markers, they do sometimes occur preceding the ambulative of suffix position 5. The desiderative also sometimes precedes the iterative. 25) s%kaalaqapastii"akutún /s"-kaa-laqapas-tii"a-kutun-aa/ PAST-OBJ.pl-recognize-AMB-DES-IMPF s%kaalaqapaskutuntii"á /s"-kaa-laqapas-kutun-tii"a-aa/ PAST-OBJ.pl-recognize-DES-AMB-IMPF ‘he wanted to go along recognizing them’ (8,104 jsf) 26) s%kititii"apará /s"kiti-tii"a-para-aa/ crush-AMB-ITER-IMPF s%kitiparatii"á /s"kiti-para-tii"a-aa/ crush-ITER-AMB-IMPF ‘again he goes along cruhing it’ (8,97 mjl) 27) s%aktsaqsaparakutún /s"a-k-tsaqsa-para-kutún-aa/ PAST-1SUB-try-ITER-DES-IMPF ! #"-!
Page 1 and 2:
The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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