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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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2.3.1.5 /#/. <strong>The</strong> glottal stop is a problematic segment in the <strong>Totonac</strong>o-Tepehua family. <strong>The</strong><br />

existence <strong>of</strong> phonemic glottal features is posited by Araña (1953:124) in the proto-language in<br />

the form <strong>of</strong> laryngealized vowels. <strong>The</strong> writers <strong>of</strong> published grammars <strong>of</strong> all varieties have<br />

struggled with the analysis <strong>of</strong> glottal features, which are variously accounted for as the phoneme<br />

/?/, ejection on stops, laryngealization <strong>of</strong> vowels, <strong>and</strong>/or part <strong>of</strong> the vocalic nuclei, (either V?, ?V<br />

or ?V?) (see Levy 1987:62-65 for an overview <strong>of</strong> vowel-related glottals). In <strong>Filomeno</strong> <strong>Mata</strong><br />

<strong>Totonac</strong>, the glottal stop exists primarily as an epenthetic segment at prosodic boundaries, but is<br />

underlying in a very small number <strong>of</strong> lexical items. Glottal stop is inserted preceding all vowelinitial<br />

roots <strong>and</strong> prefixes. This dissertation uses an apostrophe for transcribing glottal stops.<br />

5) /aaksan/ 6) /lii-an/ 7) /kin-aqonqs"/<br />

oak INSTR-go 1OBJ-braid<br />

[’aaksán] [lee’en] [ki’aqóNqs"]<br />

‘oak’ ‘s/he takes it’ ‘s/he braids my hair’<br />

An epenthetic glottal stop also appears in citation form <strong>and</strong> pre-pausally, separating the two mora<br />

<strong>of</strong> a final long vowel. §2.6.5.3 describes glottal stop epenthesis at word <strong>and</strong> phrase edges in<br />

detail.<br />

8) /quuluu/ 9) /c"aawilaa/ 10) /aq-siit-nii/<br />

old man turkey HEAD-cut-AGNT<br />

[q%oolú’u&] [c"aawilá’a&] [‘aqsiitní’i&]<br />

‘old man’ ‘turkey’ ‘barber’<br />

Morpheme-internally, glottal stop is extremely rare; it occurs in only four forms in my database:<br />

11) Examples <strong>of</strong> morpheme-internal $<br />

[sa’in] [c"aa’án]<br />

‘rain’ ‘ant’<br />

[-qe’e] [-qo’o]<br />

MEANWHILE TOTALITIVE<br />

! "'!

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